Saturday, January 4, 2014

The story of two disrupters Courting a national disaste

If there is one thing that the last year should have taught many people then it is this - the status quo in India is changing like never before.Any civilized person closely following events in Malaysia is bound to be struck numb with shock at the senseless rape, killing and burning of houses and property of the victims. The worst perpetrator seems to be Catholic Bishop Dr Paul Tan Chee Ing urged Christians No triumph without tribulation the Selangor Islamic Affairs Department (Jais) has no business questioning Christians on their religion, and questioned whether Jais was employing Gestapo-style tactics in raiding the premises of the Bible Society of Malaysia (BSM) yesterday. (The Gestapo is the Nazi-era police used by Adolf Hilter to oppress Jews and minorities.)“Has Jais, with the aid of the police force, become an insidious type of Gestapo in Malaysia?” he asked.
Tan said the raid by Jais and the questioning of BSM staff violated the 10-point agreement reached between Putrajaya and Christian groups on the controversy over the ‘Allah’ issue. repression by extremists who want to embellish their religious credentials. These extremists hope to make their mark by instigating Christians No triumph without tribulation.There is little point in trying to debate who started what and who did what to whom, though of course the perpetrators of the calamity should be punished in an exemplary manner – though chances are they wouldn’t. They wouldn’t, because a crowd action provides sufficient anonymity to bring out the depravity in us as a people.  It is as if anonymity emboldens us to be on our worst conceivable behaviour. After all, even an otherwise peaceful people of Malaysia,No, savagery is not limited to the Rawandan genocide. Something in us keeps us ever-ready to let our savage loose at the slightest or even no provocation, as long as there is an imagined excuse to do so and sufficient anonymity of numbers to hide behind.  That’s why we see gang rapes more than solo acts, perhaps.
A mooted review of the Selangor Non-Islamic Religions (Control of Propagation Among Muslims) Enactment 1988 would bring chaos, warned the Jalur Tiga Malaysia’s (Jati) group president Hasan Mohamed Ali.
The biggest tragedy of such savagery is that it brings out the savage in most of us.  For example, one begins to wonder if even the most savage punishment imaginable, say of the Sharia Law kind, would suffice for the perpetrators of the  crime against, children, women and men.For this utter failure of law enforcement, who is accountable? The politicians? The community leaders? The police? The? Shouldn’t these worthies counsel the people better, even assuming people do not know any better? Unfortunately, practically anything today has become acceptable under the name of politics. Politics  is no longer about unifying the different; it is essentially about playing up the differences, whether on the basis of religion, race, or region.  This is all the more tragic, especially in a state that gave the country a galaxy of leaders in the past. And the police and civil servants mix up their lack of respect for their political bosses with utter disregard for their own responsibilities, and treat the only purpose of their jobs to be self-enrichment; to hell with governance.  After all, why is such a huge mass of humanity in our villages still under such utter poverty, devoid of basic education and without the minimal security of the state, 65 years after Independence, while all we get to hear from our ruling masters are empty words or subsidy schemes which are actually meant to fill their own coffers over and over again? Unfortunately we do not have answers and nor are we likely to have any,
There is a saying, “Without wise leadership, a nation falls, but with good counsellors, there is safety”.
The recent spate of events that have engulfed the nation has amply illustrated that we have neither wise leaders nor good counsellors.
That this is seriously now the case is underpinned by two major arguments.
First, from the way the troubling economy is further mismanaged, and second, the deepening crisis of the racial-religious divide that is almost at a boiling point.
Consequent to the misdirected policies of pursuing and ramping "growth without a socially-just development" end-state, on the back of a much abused "interventionist affirmative action of the New Economic Policy", the nation finds herself strapped in huge debt and 16 years of fiscal deficit which has now become very 'toxic'.
With the federal debt that has almost reached the statutory limit of 55% of the nation’s GDP, (RM543.3 billion, to be exact, as of MOF report), even the prime minister-cum-finance minister talks of the imminent bankruptcy. Very unfortunately though, debts were conveniently attributed to the "colossal subsidies" (RM46.7 billion, according to MOF) said to have been spent on the rakyat.
Never were Prime Minister Najib and his ministers abled to admit that the debts were equally or more likely due to the government mega-spending on big ticket infrastructural items in a "pump-priming" mode in both bullish times and bearish times. The PM was either oblivious and remorseless, or worse still, totally inept and clueless.
Leakages due to stupidity bordering negligence, as annually reported by the auditor general, and endemic abuses bordering corruption, epitomised by the PKFZ, NFC and MITP fiascos, are never blamed to be the cause of billions of ringgit being drained or misallocated.
Failures to dismantle monopoly have severely distorted the market and continuing crony-capitalism resulted in a new rentier-class – the likes of Syed Mokhtar al-Bukhary et al, monopolising critical national assets and utilities, and a repeat of Mahathirnomics – of privatisation and a creation of a super-rich Bumiputera-Malay elite class.
It has made nonsense of the effort to achieve the high-income target of US$15,000 or RM48,000 per capita, arguably achievable through a hundred of the richest people in the country, when both income and wealth divide continues to yawn wider yearly.
Let it be known to the PM and his cahoots, lest they are still oblivious, that  statistically, welfare states like the Nordic countries, Austria and the Netherland devoted at least 20% of their national budget to social transfers or subsidy.  You were adamant about introducing the GST in 2015, while allowing leaks to go unchecked. The nation is still caught in a “middle-income trap”, which is irresponsible.
More interestingly, higher social transfers (subsidy) of the welfare state have resulted in less poverty, less inequality and longer expectancy, with statistically no net cost in terms of GDP, economic growth or even budget deficits.
Whether we are looking at the social market economy or an Islamic economy, we shall no longer view at welfare as a "populist" public policy. Welfare spending, as Keynes argues, has its role in stimulating demand when private investment and expenditure dry up, a part of the package of policy instruments to prevent economic crises and keep the market economy on track.
So Mr PM, your arguments that the rationalisation of subsidy (aka withdrawal of subsidy) must be put in place or otherwise the nation is going to go bankrupt, are both pathetic and misguided. Your 11 austerity measures are too little to be of financial significance, though never too late.
Could you promptly revisit your economic measures and take heed of the copious critique, especially from among the economists who are not out there to curry favours?
Their honest assessment that your so-called ‘rationalisation of subsidy’ are triggering more than ‘double-whammy’ on the rakyat's well-being  particularly on the bottom 40%, and more so on their purchasing power to drive domestic demand, are surely noteworthy.
Let us now turn to another critical dimension of your ineptness to run this ailing nation.
As early as the first week of 2014, your deputy’s non-committal statement on Selangor Umno division’s intention, together with Muslim NGOs, that they are free to decide on staging a demonstration tomorrow in front of churches, is extremely regrettable.
Rather than dispensing advice and calling for restraint and respect for each other’s religious beliefs and conviction, his response is interpreted as a callous endorsement for such actions that spells doom for this nation.
It heralds the beginning of a troubled year of a deepening religious divide in an already fractious society. The divisive debate and emotive legal issue over the word "Allah" has been raging unabated and no effective efforts, much less solutions, are in sight.
The unfortunate raid and seizure of copies of the Bible by the Selangor Islamic Department (Jais) at the Bible Society of Malaysia (BSM) has added salts to injury. The stage is now set for a legal wrangling on this issue, compounding and exacerbating further the "Allah" debate.
Arguably, in 2011 the cabinet has allowed the printing and importation of the Bible in any language and the seizure contravened this decision.
Whether Jais is rightly under the state government, the sultan or the federal government, has now come into the limelight.
Be that as it may, the high-handed actions of Jais have now come under severe condemnation from many quarters. Whether Jais has religious jurisdiction over non-Muslim scriptures, would finally underscore the imperative need to address the "Allah" issue.
While Article 11 (4) of the Federal Constitution (FC) allows for state and federal laws to control or restrict propagation of other religions among Muslims, this did not affect one’s right to profess and manage one’s religion under Articles 11 (1) and (3) which include the use of words, language, worship and other aspects of practising a religion.
Likewise, the unsolicited edict or fatwa by the Mufti of Perak, condemning the demonstrators of last Saturday’s Turun campaign on price hike, young activists of the civil and students’ societies, arguing carelessly, their blood "as halal" as they are "traitors of the nation" or bughah as known in Islamic legal terminology, is both bigoted and smacks of political partisanship.
But where were you again Mr PM?
This surely is not the way to run this already divided nation. You keep mum and your deafening silence are disquieting at best.
As we get from bad to worse, I must say in all earnestness that the time for a real national reconciliation has finally arrived.
It is not about forging "A Unity Government" as such, but about implementing critical institutional reforms and structural measures that must be put in place soonest.
Should you shirk your responsibility again, you do it at your own peril. 


Seldom has a year begun with so much buzz. We have finally figured that politics is far too important to be left to thugs, scoundrels, scamps and scallywags. People are coming out in thousands to vote. Change is in the air.But that was another time, another season. Najib is not half as ruthless as  Mahathir. But its glaring ineptitude and unbridled corruption has made it one of the most despised regimes ever. Seldom before in history has a worse bunch of people come together to run the affairs of this nation with such roaring incompetence. Yet management of the coalition is nothing short of brilliant. It manages to stay in power despite all scams, scandals, stolen billions. But in the process, India has missed its best opportunities. Its image lies in tatters.
Like Marie Antionette, cake is a good option for bread for some in Malaysia too If one isn’t acquainted with the sensation of salt being rubbed on an injury, then one only see New Luxury Aircraft for Prime Minister and Malaysia’s First Lady
‘RM27k an hour operate’Amid austerity measures, pro-UMNO bloggers are questioning whether Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak is now jetting across the country in a new luxury aircraft.In blog postings by, among others, Big Dog and RockyBru, they pointed to an Airbus ACJ320 with tail number 9H-AWK using the call number, “Perdana 2″ or “NR2″ – which incidentally are similar to Najib’s initials.The aircraft is registered in Malta and leased from aviation group Comlux.According to aviation news website Aviation Week, Jet Premier One (M) Sdn Bhd, the company which manages flights for VVIPs in Malaysia, including Najib, had indeed leased the Airbus ACJ320 from Comlux.The lease was supposed to be a temporary replacement for the regular aircraft Najib uses, an Airbus ACJ319, being refurbished by Comlux Aviation Services.The Airbus ACJ319 with tail number 9M-NAA operated under the call name “NR1” or “Perdana 1” and is the official aircraft for the Prime Minister, similar to that of the US President’s Air Force One.
UMNO needs an empowered decision maker at the top to whip the polity into shape If inclusive growth is Najib concern, cannot let transient political affiliations, stand in the way of participating, in what promises to be the golden dawn of inclusive growth in Malaysia:
Najib’s key virtue, as PM, was his personal honesty, in a polity seething with corruption will not be missed as PM. Peter’s Principle (1969) states that bureaucracies promote people to the level of their incompetence. Nothing could be truer than this in Najib’s case, spelt his doom, as power effectively passed to Rosmah
Najib effectively bid goodbye today; his  indifferent silence and total lack leadership on the “Allah” issue is bringing this country to the brink of catastrophe, one that neither you nor the government will be able to pull us back from once it is too late. The clock is ticking, seen sometimes in public; talked about occasionally but seldom heard and almost never listened to. This cannot be allowed to continue because there are elements, real troublemakers, who will bring turmoil to our peace-loving people.said Zaid Ibrahim
what else can be done to move you to act and manage the dangerous situation we are in at this moment?This cannot be allowed to continue because there are elements, real troublemakers, who will bring turmoil to our peace-loving people.You must first recognise that this is the most difficult, volatile and dangerous issue the country has ever had to deal with.Never before has a conflict of this gravity been allowed to fester for 30 years with no solution in sight.The problem did not start with you, but under your charge, it has reached the stage of implosion.The animosity between Muslims and Christians has reached fever pitch and unless it is managed promptly and with sensitivity, the outcome will be grave for the whole country.The Najib story is undersold overseas. The instability of a truly democratic, developing economy will never be the first choice of foreign investors. What we can offer them, as a trade-off for uncertainty in Malaysia,It’s a matter of time before people wake up and decide that they are not going to have any more of banana republic-style governance where the governed are left to fend for themselves and those in power loot the resources of the country to fill their own personal coffers.And arrogance is an important part of the package of a politician who has given himself the right to rake up the country’s resources and shove it all in his own bank account.I fear, it doesn’t affect you or your team members at all. After all, it was your first lady Like Marie Antionette, cake is a good option for bread for some in Malaysia too If you remember your history lessons from school, Prime Minister, there was a certain French queen called Marie Antionette who wondered why did the people not eat cake, when they didn’t have bread. Do you get it?

Wednesday, October 10, 2012



NONEQuestioned by reporters at an event to mark the National Heart Institute’s 20th anniversary today,  Mahathir, in a self-deprecating tone, said he is “nyanyuk”or senile.related article
“The opposition will bring up any issue.You see now they are going after me. Also, I am nyanyuk, so why people (do) want to ask me? You look at me, I’mnyanyuk  so I can’t answer your question,” he said.
The DAP’s Petaling Jaya Utara Tony Pua had yesterday described Mahathir as , in denying the latter’s claim that  would be a vote for billionaire George Soros.
Two weeks ago, Bagan MP Lim Guan Eng had asked Deputy Finance Minister Donald Lim in Parliament to explain Soros had been vilified as a rogue currency speculator, while Nor Mohamed (right) had beenrelated article

Nor Mohamed joined Bank Negara in 1968 and eventually headed the foreign exchange unit. He resigned in 1994 for a short stint in the corporate world before returning to Bank Negara in 1998, where he spent another two years.
He became Mahathir’s Special Economic Adviser after the latter took over the finance portfolio, and was subsequently appointed Second Finance Minister during Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s tenure as Premier.
Nor Mohamed is currently a Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department in charge of the Economic Planning Unit, and a member of the National Economic Advisory Council. He had previously declined to comment  on the forex losses.related article
Pakatan Rakyat MPs have rubbished former Pemier Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s claim that a vote for the Opposition would be akin to a vote for billionaire and former currency speculator George Soros.  A vote for BN will be a Vote for the” Devil”Voting for umno is vote for national bankruptcy & condoning corruption A cheap shot pig sarcastic dig at Anwar reveals yet again a mind-set that does not bode well for his national ambitions Now that Mahathir has set his eyes firmly on the prime minister’s readmore

Tuesday, October 9, 2012


Former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad arriving at the High Court in Kuala Lumpur where he is a defence witness in the trial of Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik. — Picture by Choo Choy May
Some people involved in the recent gold investment scandal argued that it was a new business model and questioned on what wrong was with it, since they were neither stealing nor robbing.
They believed that it was originally a profitable business but, unfortunately, the intervention of Bank Negara and media coverage have ruined everything and broken the golden bowl.
No, it is wrong. It is not a new business model, but rather an old-fashioned, repeated ploy.
It was started about 100 years ago.
In 1903, Italian Charles Ponzi immigrated to the US with only US$2.50 in his pocket, and a resolution to make big money on that piece of land.
He did a lot of jobs, but had faced lawsuits and sent to jail for embezzlement and theft.
After he was released, he decided to do something big instead of just stealing and embezzling.
His mind was quite agile. He targeted at posts sent between the US and Europe countries and started selling postal reply coupons. He set up a company in Boston, claiming that it invested in postal coupons.
He promised clients a 50 per cent profit within 45 days, or 100 per cent profit within 90 days, by buying discounted postal reply coupons in other countries and redeeming them at face value in the US as a form of arbitrage. Many saw it as a windfall.
Only a few of the rich tentatively invested in the beginning and, surprisingly, they received the promised high returns and everyone was overjoyed.
The news spread and people rushed to invest. Ponzi rose to become a business tycoon overnight and was highly praised. Together with Columbus and Marconi, they were called the three greatest Italians. Christopher Columbus discovered the New World, Guglielmo Marconi invented wireless telegraphy, and Ponzi created money.
However, no one knew that postal coupon was not a profitable investment. In fact, Ponzi did not invest in postal coupons.
Instead, he just used the money of new investors to pay the returns for earlier investors and when more and more people invested, he would then be able to issue returns. The snowball continued to roll as long as the number of new investors was greater than the number of existing investors.
However, Ponzi’s luck ran out one day. He faced a commercial lawsuit and the incident was reported by the media.
The investigation found that with the investment amount received, his company should have bought 16 million of postal reply coupons, but only 27,000 postal coupons were sold nationwide over the same period.
The Ponzi scheme was exposed and the Ponzi enterprise collapsed. Tens of thousands of people lost everything and Ponzi was put behind bars.
Similar low-risk, high-return investments could be found over the past 100 years and they were actually elaborate Ponzi schemes, instead of new business models.
The Bernie Madoff investment scandal broke out a few years ago, which was known as the largest elaborate Ponzi scheme in history, and the gold investment scandal are just two among the other Ponzi schemes


The Election Commission (EC) is an independent body that is appointed by, and answers to, the Agong, as provided by Article 114 of the federal constitution, the government has maintained.
If the Filipinos and Indonesians were qualified to become citizens because they had stay in Malaysia for more than a decade and spoke the Malay language. These qualifications according to shenanigan Mahathir, had qualified them to become citizens, will the shenanigan Mahathir explain why million of Malaysian born non Malay citizenship applications are being declined ? They not only stay in the country for a decade but all of them stay in the country since birth and also speak the Malay language.
Why most of them are they being denied or some of them have to wait for decades before they are granted the citizenships ? The truth is because the shenanigan and the Umno scumbags and parasites know full well these people know them too well and will never vote for them. That is the real reason !
They are being given red I.D. cards to stay, work and most important of all to pay their taxes for the development of the country. Now you know how the shenanigan stayed in as P.M. for 22 years ?
Ex-premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad (second left) gestures after testifying in Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik’s cheating trial in Kuala Lumpur October 8, 2012. — Picture by Choo Choy May
Submitted on 2012/10/08 at 7:49 pm
saya merasa hairan kenapa nama saya d libatkan dalam perkara tersebut,saya tdk pernah memperdaya atau menggunakan PKBS atau andy Bandy Pilo dalam hal ini,saya bkn ahli PKBS waktu itu,dan saya pun tdk saberapa mesra dgn Andy pilo demikian juga Andy Bandy terhadap saya,bagaimana pula saya menggunakan Andy Bandy,saya tdk tahu menahu mengenai dgn kegiatan PKBS,saya pernah d tahan dan d tuduh terlibat dalam perkara itu,tetapi saya nafikan sama sekali semasa d dalam siasatan,memang saya ada menolong kawan2 untuk menjadi warganegara dgn mengemukakan permohonannya ka JPN Sabah waktu itu,itu terplang kpd JPN untuk meluluskannya atau tidak,saya akui saya ada terlibat dalam pendaftaran pengundi2 d kawasan2 yg terlibat,kerana itu adalah tugas saya sebagai ahli parti yg mempunyai tanggung jawab terhadap Partinya,org yg menulis dalam blok ini adalah pembohong yg ingin mencari publisiti murahan,semuanya yg d tulis dalam twitter itu adalah palsu dan lagi pula saya tdk pernah ketemu dgn org2 yg d maksudkan itu apa lagi menyuruh Andy Bandy membuat perkara itu,perhubungan saya dgn. Andy Bandy tidak baik ketika itu,kenapa pula dia mahu jadi kuda tunggangan saya,tolong buktikan kpd saya i/c palsu apa yg saya suruh Andy Bandy buat,kuasa apa saya mengarahkan Andy Bandy pilo untuk membuat I/C sedangkan saya tdk baik dgn nya.
Housewife Fawziah Abdul wants to thank former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad for making her a citizen 10 years after she illegally slipped into Borneo from the southern Philippines in search of a better life.
The 50-year-old lives on the outskirts of Kota Kinabalu, the capital of Malaysia’s Sabah state, where her tin-roofed shack jostles for space with more than 1,000 others in a slum where children play beside heaps of rubbish.
She is hopeful that her three children will get a new home and identity cards if she votes for the government again.
With a general election due within seven months, the 13-party ruling Barisan Nasional coalition is banking on Sabah and neighboring Sarawak state on Borneo island to prolong its 55-year grip on power.
But its support in the two Borneo states, which account for a quarter of parliament seats, is showing signs of slipping.
A large presence of Muslim immigrants, like Fawziah, has fuelled complaints of government discrimination against Christians who have also been a bedrock of government support.
Fawziah said she was a beneficiary of a secret plan said to have been approved by Mahathir that has helped fuel a five-fold surge in Sabah’s population since the 1970s and turned it into a vote bank for the ruling coalition.
“I am part of Project Mahathir,” she said, referring to the plan. “I was told to turn up at an office with two photographs and some money,” added Fawziah, who showed her identity card that lists her as a Sabah-born citizen.
Without support in the two eastern states, the ruling coalition would have lost power in the last general election, in 2008, when a resurgent opposition won a majority of votes on peninsula Malaysia. Now that support looks fragile.
Residents of Sabah complain about competition from Filipino and Indonesian migrants for jobs in the oil and gas-rich region, whose revenues are mostly channeled to the federal government and where one in five people lives on less than $1 a day.
Christians, mostly members of indigenous groups such as the Kadazandusun in Sabah and the Dayaks and Ibans in Sarawak, once made up nearly half of Sabah’s population but now form less than a third of its 3.2 million people.
But they can still give a potentially vital boost to the opposition, which won a majority of votes in mainland Malaysia in 2008 but only got three of 56 seats in Sabah and Sarawak.
The election is expected to be the closest in the former British colony’s history after the coalition lost its two-thirds majority for the first time in 2008.
This is partly due to Christian, Buddhist and Hindu minorities in the mostly Muslim country abandoning the coalition, complaining of discrimination over issues such as the airing of Islamic programmes on state television.
Arnold Puyok, a political scientist at Universiti Teknologi Mara Sabah, says the frustration could translate into votes for the opposition led by Mahathir’s former deputy, Anwar Ibrahim, which could pick up at least 10 seats out of 25 in Sabah.
Opposition strategists say they need to win an extra 10 seats each in Sabah, Sarawak and mainland Malaysia to win the election with a simple majority of 112 seats.
The opposition – a coalition of Borneo parties and a mainland alliance that campaigns for greater transparency – won 15 seats from the ruling bloc in Sarawak state elections for its best showing in 24 years. It got votes from indigenous Christians as well as from the ethnic Chinese minority.
As Christian frustration grows over Muslim migrants, churches are becoming more vocal. Malaysia’s largest evangelical group held a 40 day-fast last month, which included prayers for the resolution of what they see as the immigrant problem.
The National Evangelical Christian Fellowship also held prayer meetings across the country for Malaysia Day on September 16 – a holiday marking Sabah and Sarawak’s entry into Malaysia 49 years ago. The Borneo states agreed to join Malaysia on condition that religious freedom as well as the protection of native lands and cultures were guaranteed.
“There are quite a few unhappy Sabah people. Sabahans do not usually show it openly, they are doing it through prayer,” Stephanie Rainier, a Kadazandusun among 7,000 worshippers at a stadium in Kota Kinabalu, said of people’s frustration.
“They are taking over businesses. They are everywhere,” she said of migrants.
The ruling coalition can still rely on an election system that is skewed in its favor, particularly in Sabah and Sarawak. Seat allocations are weighted heavily in favor of rural constituencies with smaller populations compared with urban centers that are more likely to favor the opposition.
But in an apparent sign of concern over his coalition’s chances in Sabah, Prime Minister Najib Razak bowed to pressure in June and formed a royal commission of inquiry into the granting of identity cards to illegal immigrants.
A survey by independent pollster Merdeka center found that immigration was the number one concern among Sabah voters. The survey also found skepticism over Najib’s motive for announcing the inquiry, with only 46 percent of respondents believing it was a genuine attempt to address the problem.
“Only because there is an election around the corner, the government decides to do an inquiry,” said Wilfred Bumburing, a lawmaker in Sabah who quit the government coalition over its handling of the immigrant issue.
Government sources say the inquiry panel has yet to meet due to opposition from the dominant party in the ruling coalition, the United Malays National Organisation, that controls Sabah, and from the still influential Mahathir.
While repeatedly denying links to Project Mahathir to media, Mahathir said in his blog that the Filipinos and Indonesians were qualified to become citizens as they had stayed in Malaysia for more than a decade and spoke the Malay language.
The influx of Muslims, who can largely be counted on to support the ruling coalition, would appear to bolster the government. But despite that, some Christians worry about what they see as Muslim authorities’ growing intolerance.
An example, some Christians say, is the unease over Christian congregations in Sabah and Sarawak using the Arabic word Allah to refer to God.
While these Catholics, like their brethren in Indonesia, have used “Allah” since converting to Christianity in the 19th century, the government says the use of the word is subversive and is aimed at converting Muslims.
Mindful of votes, Najib has not stopped Christians in Borneo from using the word in prayers. But the government has appealed against a court ruling that allowed a Catholic newspaper to use Allah in its Malay-language editions in Borneo.
“I hope there is tolerance. In reality, not publicly, subtly, you can feel there is some erosion of religious tolerance,” said Bishop Cornelius Piong after Sunday Mass in the rice-growing region of Tambunan.
“If there is no balanced leadership, people will think and they will decide,” he said, referring to the election.
If anyone’s citizenship has been approved in recent times based on their political affiliation, this constitutes a gross abuse of power on the part of BN.’
‘Umno soliciting citizenship to boost vote bank’
 This issue again points to the failure of Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein to act fairly. If anyone’s citizenship has been approved in recent times based on their political affiliation, this constitutes a gross abuse of power on the part of BN, and especially the home minister.
The rakyat should file for judicial review, the opposition parties must insist on a royal commission of inquiry to look at this fiasco, not just for Hulu Selangor, but for Sabah and elsewhere in Malaysia.
Nicholas Lim: This is indeed true. Ask some of the Indonesian maids and workers in your neighbourhood and they will tell you they have been approached by “people” to apply for citizenship, i.e. converting their permanent resident status to citizen status.
Of course, most will take up the offer as they want their children to get assistance in education loans and places in local universities. You cannot fault them for that for they only want the best for their families.
The blame lies with the people offering them citizenship through the backdoor. So let’s not make it into an Indonesian-bashing session. Focus on the real enemy: not the Indonesians, but our fellow Malaysians.
DNA: Is this not treason? I, as a citizen, demand an explanation from Hishammuddin over this allegation.
As usual, MCA, MIC, Gerakan and PPP will not open their mouths for fear of offending Umno. Umno is willing to sell Malaysia just to stay in power. Umno is a filthy and corrupt party.
NuckinFuts: Why invest billions of ringgit in jet fighters, patrol boats and submarines to ‘defend’ our country when we already have agents like these abusing their positions selling our country’s citizenship openly like pirated DVD sellers?
This is what newspapers should be shouting about in their headlines, not some cooked-up lies by bloggers on the net.
Playfair: Now watch the backtracking from Umno – they will claim that the letter is a forgery by Pakatan Rakyat to tarnish the image of Umno. Case closed. To Zuraida Kamaruddin, well done for the expose. We are 100 percent behind you, and believe that it is indeed an attempt to undermine the election process.
BTN: That was what happened in Sabah many years ago. The mockery of all this is that the majority of the Sabah folk still support BN blindly and thereafter complain that they are being left behind in every area of development.
As long as Umno has its way, it will continue to manipulate every living human being in this country, no matter what pangkat (level) they are at, to achieve their evil goals.

Tuesday, September 25, 2012

Ten years on: The question of Israel and Palestine

Olmert's political legacy
Ehud Olmert, Israel's prime minister, has announced that he is to step down.

Pressure had been mounting for him to resign in light of the country's poor performance in its was on Hezbollah and due to allegations of corruption.

Al Jazeera's David Chater discusses his political legacy.

Former Israeli PM given suspended sentence and fine for breach of trust, opening up possiblity of a return to politics.  Ehud Olmert was once described as the finest politician Israel had ever produced, but like many of his predecessors, he has seen he reputation dragged through the mud by a succession of fraud scandals.  "I walk out of here with my head held high," he told reporters.  Olmert has described the fraud allegations against him as "a brutal, ruthless witch-hunt, the likes of which have never before been seen in Israel".

Before 2006, Olmert won acknowledgement as a key strategist behind many of Sharon's boldest moves, including the 2005 pull-out of settlers from the Gaza Strip and the subsequent decision to quit the right-wing Likud party and form the centrist Kadima.
With Sharon incapacitated, it was Olmert who led Kadima to victory in March 2006 on a platform of dismantling dozens of settlements and withdrawing troops from parts of the West Bank.
That year, Time magazine called Olmert "the 12th Israeli to serve as prime minister and probably the best politician of them all".
But that turned out to be his high-water mark, with his West Bank plan shelved in the wake of the blistering 2006 war against Lebanon, which left more than 1,200 dead, most of them civilians, and 160 in Israel, mostly soldiers.
Olmert clung to power despite a damning report on his handling of the 34-day conflict, which slammed his government for failing to halt Hezbollah rocket fire and retrieve two captured soldiers.
Gaza offensive
Olmert served in the military as an officer in a combat infantry unit, but after being injured in the leg and arm, he completed his service in 1971 as a correspondent for an army journal.
As a result he lacked the illustrious military background of some of his predecessors.
Although he rejected peace talks for decades, Olmert underwent a late-career conversion, reviving negotiations with Israel's foes, as well as backing the unilateral pullout of troops and settlers from Palestinian territory.
He and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas met several times following the relaunch of peace talks in November 2007 after a seven-year hiatus, until they were halted just over a year later at the start of Israel's devastating 22-day offensive on Gaza.
Olmert also entered into Turkish-mediated talks with long-time foe Syria in May 2008 after an earlier round of indirect negotiations broke down in 2000 over the issue of the occupied Golan Heights.
Olmert resigned from the premiership after police recommended that he be indicted in several other cases of fraud, all relating to a period before he became prime minister.
The stream of allegations dogged Olmert throughout much of his premiership. He resigned as prime minister in September 2008 but remained in office until March 2009, when Binyamin Netanyahu was sworn in.
Olmert endured long periods of dismal single-digit approval ratings, the worst to blight a sitting premier, and himself once said he was "a very unpopular prime minister".

The judge said Olmert was guilty of a 'grave and absolute conflict of interest' [GALLO/GETTY]
An Israeli court has spared Ehud Olmert, the former prime minister, a prison term over a conviction for breach of trust, potentially paving his way for a political comeback.
Olmert was sentenced on Monday after being found guilty in July of of illegally granting favours to a businessman while in a former cabinet post, he was acquitted at the time of more serious bribery charges.
Jerusalem District Court handed Olmert a suspended one-year jail sentence and a $19,225 fine. Had he been put behind bars, the 66-year-old centrist politician might have been prevented from returning to public office.
Reading the 27-page ruling, Judge Mussiya Arad said Olmert was guilty of a "grave and absolute conflict of interest" and that the gravity of the case required "a practical response," Israeli public radio reported.
"I leave court today walking tall," Olmert told reporters, without elaborating on his plans.
"I said last time that in everything regarding the offences of which I was convicted I would respect the court's judgement and learn the necessary lessons."
Al Jazeera's Cal Perry, reporting from Jerusalem, said Olmert had "dodged a bullet" with the court's decision.
"He made it clear to the press when he left the courtroom that he feels vindicated," Perry said.
"This really does pave the way for a potential political comeback.
"We will have to wait and see whether or not people on the streets here in Israel really still view him as corrupt, or view him as having nothing to do with the charges that were brought against him."
'Not over'
Dogged by corruption scandals as he tried to forge a peace deal with the Palestinians, Olmert resigned in 2008.
After his conviction, Olmert, who denied all wrongdoing, said he had no intention of re-entering politics. Kadima, the party he once led, now heads the opposition to Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's rightist Likud.
A comeback would likely depend on the outcome of a separate bribery case over Olmert's role, as Jerusalem mayor from 1993 to 2003, in a controversial housing project.
"This is not over," deputy Israeli state prosecutor Eli Abravanel said after Monday's sentencing.
"The sentencing considerations are complicated in this case, they are unusual.
"We shall examine this ruling studiously, not make off-the-cuff statements. We shall see if an appeal is justified or 

No American president has shown - and unlikely to ever show - the willingness to bare the political costs by imposing comprehensive agreements to settle the disputes between Israel and Palestine [REUTERS]
How will the Israeli/Palestinian question evolve over the next ten years? It is hard, actually impossible, to predict the future. However, it is possible and important to analyse trends and extrapolate trajectories given well-established facts. In the areas of American politics, Palestinian politics, Israeli politics, facts on the ground and media and public opinion, we can see strong arguments for trends (or the lack thereof) that suggest a direction in which the Israeli/Palestinian question is moving.
American politics
We've come to learn from the current Presidential campaign that Israel is as important an issue in American politics as it has ever been. Under President Barack Obama, according to Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, US-Israeli security cooperation is "unprecedented". Likewise, Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak noted that US-Israel security ties during Obama's administration are at the "highest level they have ever been" and that the "administration is consistently strengthening the depths of Israel's security abilities".
Despite this, Obama's Republican challenger Mitt Romney has, along with his allies on the right, attacked Obama during the campaign for not being close enough to Israel. This has effectively moved the boundaries of acceptable positions on Israel in the American political discourse further to the right and is undoubtedly due to the efforts of pro-Israel interest groups. This is also occurring in the context of American public opinion that has not seen significant changes in regard to favourability toward Israel while favourability toward Palestinians markedly increased in recent years.
Yet while interests groups and their effects on American politics have certainly created a pro-Israel bias in American mediation, they are able to do so in conjunction with a constant which hasn't changed in the past two centuries and isn't likely to change in the next decade: the American electoral cycle.
 Romney pledges support for Israel
Every four years the United States has Presidential elections and pro-Israel interest groups have proven a consistent ability to use these domestic constraints to hold first-term presidents in check. For this reason, presidents who have engaged in Israeli-Palestinian peace making have done so in their second terms. Take Camp David and Annapolis for example: both came in the final years of the Clinton and Bush presidencies. Obama, who sought to engage early by merely asking the Israelis to comply with obligations and freeze settlement building, realised quickly that he didn't have the political capital in his first term to actually use leverage against a recalcitrant Israeli Prime Minister.
This, in turn, creates a situation where Israel, particularly when it is governed by the settlement-addicted right, prefers first term Presidents. This explains why the self-proclaimed most pro-settlement Israeli government in history has clashed with a first-term American president who engaged early and backed, more overtly than ever before, his opponent.
But even presidents in their second term are limited in their abilities to gain traction on Middle East peace. The nature of the peace process is the reason why. The Oslo process was supposed to be akin to Gilligan's "three-hour tour", instead the "interim agreements" that were aimed at yielding a peace in a few short years turned into an odyssey. The peace process has been dominated by agreements and frameworks which have emphasised gradual steps, obligations, implementation, and verification. With Oslo, we had interim agreement I and then interim agreement II, with President Bush's 2003 Road Map we had Phases 1, 2 and 3. At the outset, Phase 3 was supposed to conclude by 2005 and yet well after President Bush left office, President Obama is still struggling to get the Israelis to implement their first phase obligation, a settlement freeze, and has failed to do so.
From Inauguration day, a second term President has about three years (some would argue less), to expend his political capital before the attention of all the players shifts to their potential successor in the lame duck election period.
The drawn out nature of these agreements makes their implementation practically impossible in such a short time period, especially because the actor which has to relinquish control over land (Israel) constantly has an incentive to put off such actions, retain the land and its resources, and wait for the next administration. The alternative to gradually implemented agreements is imposed comprehensive agreements. But this takes even more political capital, and no president - first or second term - has shown the willingness or interest to bare the political costs of attempting this.
This is the Catch-22 of US mediation and given that it is structured around the long constant American electoral system and pro-Israel interests groups, which seem to be increasingly effective in moving political discourse inside the beltway, this is unlikely to change.
Palestinian politics
The signing of the Oslo accords created significant divisions in the Palestinian polity. Since then, divisions have grown in size and number, in large part due to the role of the Israeli occupation. The death of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in 2004 compounded this problem. Arafat was synonymous with the political party Fatah, but for many he was also synonymous with the Palestinian cause. His passing and the political changes that followed in presidential and legislative council elections created a widened rift between Hamas and Fatah. All of these divisions have led to serious questions about the need for truly representative Palestinian institutions, including calls to reinvigorate a dormant Palestine National Council. These calls are likely to continue to grow.
The Palestinian Authority (PA) also faces significant challenges. It was created with the intention of being a temporary vehicle which would transport the Palestinians to statehood in the West Bank and Gaza. Two decades since the start of the Oslo process, the West Bank is filled with more settlements and settlers today than ever and is severed from the Gaza Strip whose prospects for sustainable development are consistently declining. What is the purpose of the PA if not to deliver statehood? In the absence of progress toward self-determination, the PA has diverted focus from this difficult question by focusing on economic development. Here too there are serious challenges. Financials crises are becoming commonplace as the PA regularly struggles to meet payroll for employees. The prospect of insurmountable debt looms as an economy built primarily on donor dollars has reached the physical limits of its growth under the constraints of the Israeli occupation.
To be relevant in the absence of political progress the PA must be able to prove its administrative worth, but the infrastructure of Israeli apartheid places hurdle after hurdle in the way. Area C of the West Bank, under full Israeli control, makes up 60 per cent of the territory and is 100 per cent off limits to Palestinian private investment. This is a chokehold on the Palestinian economy. Instead of showing signs of relaxing restrictions in Area C, the Israelis have only intensified them as the political interests of the settlement communities take centre stage in Israeli politics.
Despite the Israeli limits imposed on its ability to deliver goods and services to Palestinians, the PA is still consistently expected to maintain security coordination with Israel which in turn creates points of contention between Palestinian citizens and the PA.
This cannot be sustained over the long term and efforts to do so will only feed into the inevitable weakening of the PA, possibly to the point of collapse.
Israeli politics
It is common to hear that Israelis and Palestinians both want a two-state solution. Indeed, polling of the Israeli public and Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza yields this finding (barely, nowadays). But upon closer inspection it becomes hard to conclude that what Israelis want is a two-state solution as conventionally understood. Majorities of Israelis oppose the removal of most of the settlements and a majority opposes the division of Jerusalem. So while Israelis say they support a two-state solution, they are also saying they oppose the steps necessary to achieve one. What this means, in essence, is that a majority of Israelis support the status quo.
The traditional left of Israeli politics has all but disappeared. The Labour party, a historic powerhouse, does not have a viable path to political power today. Politics are dominated by the right and the kingmaker in Israeli coalitions is the Yisrael Beiteinu party of Avigdor Lieberman, who himself lives in an Israeli colony in the West Bank. The settlers have grown significantly in number over the past 45 years, and so it should come as no surprise that their interests are increasingly reflected in governing coalitions. The Kadima experiment, a party born out of Likud, has failed and is unlikely to be repeated. Polls indicate that votes that went to the Kadima party in the past would essentially be divided up, mostly to the right.
 Israel to build more West Bank homes
The safest and most consistent path to political power in Israel today is through right-wing coalitions and, barring any major events which drastically alter the Israeli political constellation, this is likely to be increasingly the case over time as settlers continue to grow in number three times faster than the rest of the Israeli electorate.
There are two possible ways this can be drastically altered. The first is overwhelming American pressure that brings down an Israeli governing coalition. For the reasons outlined above it would be an understatement to call this unlikely. The second is a genuine organic social movement in Israel that mobilises to bring down the political right. While popular protest in the form of the J14 movement has shown some signs of cohesion, it is organised primarily around socio-economic issues and not opposition to colonialism, raising serious questions about any challenge it can pose to the ever growing settlement enterprise.
About a decade ago I remember listening to an influential left-wing Israeli politician speaking about the two-state solution and likening it to a falafel sandwich. He urged the audience to think of a sandwich with three falafel balls in it, each representing a claim: a claim to a Jewish state, a claim to democracy, and a claim to the Occupied Territories. He said the Israelis could not have a Jewish majority and be a democracy while ruling over millions of Palestinian non-citizens. Thus, they had to sacrifice one, the Occupied Territories, to enjoy a still satisfying falafel sandwich.
Since then, this politician has given up on the two-state solution believing now that Israeli imposed facts on the ground have made it impossible. It seems Israel will still have to relinquish one of these three claims but the open question is which one, a Jewish state or a democracy? Advocates for a unitary state with equal rights will quickly assert that it is ethnic majoritarianism that has to go but the obstinate Israeli electorate seems happy to relinquish any semblance of democracy before that.
Facts on the ground
For decades honest observers have noted the growing threat Israeli settlements pose to the possibility of a viable Palestinian state in the West Bank and, for decades, these settlements have grown, exponentially, in number and in size. Anyone who still believes a viable and contiguous Palestinian state is possible in the West Bank has either never driven through the West Bank (outside of the Ramallah bubble frequented by internationals) or has some yet-to-be-public understanding of the concepts of physics.
 Riz Khan - Walls of division
Perhaps the simplest of the final status issues negotiated between Israelis and Palestinians is the route of the border. Certainly, the question of refugees and the division of Jerusalem is regarded by most to be more difficult. But even the simpler of these issues could not be resolved during the Annapolis conference due to Israel's insistence on keeping two major settlements, Ariel and Maale Adumim. Ariel, which is the most problematic, is deep inside the West Bank and has almost tripled in population since the start of the Oslo process.
Settlements come with perimeters, buffer zones, fences, walls, checkpoints, roadblocks and other elements of the apartheid infrastructure to fill up Area C. But the settlements are not the only facts on the ground. The billions of dollars worth of industry and infrastructure built by Israel in the West Bank provides additional incentive to maintain a long term presence in the territory and these figures continue to increase. Barring any major and unforeseen changes, it is unlikely that Israeli settlement expansion will move in any direction but forward, deeper and deeper into the West Bank, and filling in a growing amount of Area C.
Media coverage and public opinion
It has generally held that global public opinion is largely sympathetic to the Palestinian plight while public opinion in the United States is more sympathetic to Israel. While this remains true today, it is changing. It is hard to map or measure changes in the discourse on Israel/Palestine in any comprehensive and systematic way. However, anyone following closely will admit that there is a marked shift in the discourse today as compared to ten years ago or even five years ago. This is due to a variety of reasons.
First, Israel's continued occupation and its willingness to entrench it belie any claims that it is temporary or for purposes of security. The occupation of the West Bank and Gaza is now 47 years old and in a mere three years it will turn 50. Do not underestimate the psychological impact the half-century mark will have. By this point, the majority of the world and the vast majority of Palestinians, will not be able to remember a day before the Israeli occupation. Indeed, by then Israel will have been occupying these territories for 73 per cent of its existence as a state.
 Listening Post - Palestine: Starved of attention
Second, technological advances have shaken the Israeli state's control over the imagery and information that reaches the outside world. Israel bombardment of Gaza was a prime example. Despite a dearth of Western reporters, local feeds via satellite and the diligent work of a few Al Jazeera English reporters innovating with Twitter were able to bring the horrific reality of war-torn Gaza to the world instantaneously. Similarly, imagery of the killing of civilians on an aid flotilla to Gaza rifled around the world, forcing Israeli PR to spin themselves dizzy in an attempt to reshape the story. The everyday horrors of occupation are making their way to the screens of Americans in ways they never did before. This is not because they were not happening before, but because the vehicles to deliver them were absent.
Third, the mainstream media is forced to reconcile its reporting with the representations of reality that these technological advancements are producing. Numerous stories and aspects of occupation have been covered simply because they have been exposed or brought to the fore by social media. Likewise, editorialists must react to this more attuned reporting. When the mainstream coverage does fail, blogs exist today to act as uncensored checks with much quicker turnaround, accuracy, and visibility than a letter to the editor that may or may not survive the filters of an outlet uninterested in being exposed or embarrassed by its publication.
Over time, the discourse will continue to open. Today the images, videos and stories from the West Bank and Gaza are harrowing and they are falling on increasingly receptive ears among western audiences. But the West Bank and Gaza still lag behind in certain technological capabilities. Smartphones have yet to permeate the mass market and internet, especially DSL or faster, is limited to the more affluent urban areas. 3G capability is also unavailable in most areas and when it is, it is from Israeli based settlement antennae in Area C which is out of reach for most Palestinians. Is it any surprise then that Israel monopolises control over the network grids and allots limited frequencies to the Palestinians?
This will change in Palestine. Money and the power of markets often find ways to adjust policy, even if it a slower pace than necessary. It is unclear when, but at some point in the not-too-distant future most Palestinians will have smartphones and the ability to livestream their every interaction with the occupation on a daily basis.
A confluence of trends
With their veto, the Americans have handcuffed the world to prevent them from intervening. But the Americans themselves are handcuffed by electoral constraints and domestic interest groups. The divisions among Palestinians limit their abilities to effectively strategise and the Palestinian Authority teeters on the edge with every passing day. Israeli politics shift increasingly to the right making the interests of settlers more important and right-wing coalitions the only viable path to power. The infrastructure of apartheid shows no signs of abating. And the world, and especially Americans, is increasingly getting a front row seat to this horror film.
So what does this all mean?
In the immediate short term it means little will change, overtly at least, but the situation will grow continuously unsustainable into the future until a major paradigm shift away from the two-state framework happens. Until that major shift, minds will be quietly changing as the facts on the ground and the realities of occupation continue to shape opinions. When the shift happens, and what will immediately precede it is impossible to know, given the stability of American and Israeli political trends the catalyst may well come from major change on the Palestinian end forcing the others to react in ways inconvenient to them. By this point, where the PA factors into this, if at all, probably isn't relevant. It is not a matter of if, but when.
The only question remaining in my mind is how many more weapons will be shipped from Washington to Israel to take the lives and freedom of how many more Palestinians in the course of protecting how many more settlements that they will build.
And how much longer until we wake up to it all?
Not too long, I hope.

Sunday, September 23, 2012


 MCA are traitors to the Chine  ’What the MCA President is doing is crying wolf against the very citizens who are doing what would benefit the country most, exercising their democratic rights.

MCA President announced that he would support UMNO-Barisan government to keep communal force at bay, he was taking a leaf out of the Left’s book. may 13 , the Left parties had used the same ideological argument to keep DAP  the ‘main enemy’Let’s turn to Soi Lek’s flip-flops the objective conditions for cobbling together with UMNO are even more tangible now, with the assertion of federalism and the fluid and fragmented political situation.One scam follows the other, taking the heat off the earlier scam. Of course, the hyper-active media moves on even as the earlier ‘huge scandal’ is consigned to the backburner, till it resurfaces.This arrangement works beautifully for the perpetrators of scams. Gives them the breathing space and with the number of scams being exposed going up significantly, the person who has already been exposed knows once a new scam is unearthed, the focus would now be on others for quite a while and he/she can roam about as if nothing happened.
 MCA is nothing but a tool and a decor piece for big brother (and that is UMNO)!
Did they fight on behalf of the rakyat (people) or the political bully (UMNO)? Look at the MCA’s failures and actions.
1. Failure to get United Chinese School Examination (UCE) recognized.
2. Failure to settle the PKFZ issue.
3. Failure to condemn corruption and rent seeking in general.
4. Failure to said even a word when Teoh and othgers died in custody.
5. Failure to oppose negotiated tender at the national level. The hypocrites make lots of noise that no Chinese got DID contract in Penang.
6. Failure to oppose all the rent seeking projects, IPP’s, IWK, Syabas, highways.
7. Failure to condemn public land grab.
8. Failure to use MCA paper for transparency, but instead using it for propaganda.
9. Failure to condemn Utusan.
10. Failure to condemn Ibrahim himself.
11. Failure to response to Nazri’s comment that MCA is like an abused wife.
12. Failure to get scholarship for the many deserving and in need.
13. Failure to speak out against Christian bashing during the Allah issue.
14. Failure to support Bersih for a clean, free and fair elections, and instead took to lying (Tung Shin hospital) and apple polishing big brother.
15. Failure to speak out again AP’s and Proton. Both increase the costs of cars for all Malaysians.
16. Failure to advise Namewee, whose fault was using vulgar language to condemn racist principals.
17. Failure to speak out against the NFC scandal, of which MCA has a deputy minister.
18. Failure to speak out for the rakyat on the case of the Scorpene deal.
19. Threaten to withdraw from all government positions, if they get less seats than 2008.
20. Supporting all policies, even if they hurt the rakyat, as long as they get a share of the cake, perhaps some crumps will do.
21. Supporting football betting, just because his boss wants it, falsely claiming it to be non-Malay right. (It may be good for one Chinese, but what about the thousands who will suffer as a result.)
22. Supporting the Evidence Act, OSA, ISA, PPPA, EA and other repressive laws.
23. Supporting the man made water and electricity crisis in Selangor.
24. Supporting and maybe profiting from all the speed traps set up all along the highway. (We support speed trap as deterrence, not profit.)
25. Supporting hudud in Trengganu and Kelantan when it was passed in the state assembly. What hypocrites!
26. Becoming the tool of a political bully, by supporting blindly, (“through thick and thin”).
Consequently, I tend to feel MCA = Malaysian Company of Accomplices
Last August, after the Malaysian Chinese Economic Congress, when you (Soi Lek) called on the Government to gradually remove the 30 per cent Bumiputra equity in all sectors of the economy, you were immediately jumped upon by Umno deputy president Muhyiddin Yassin. He even warned you about May 13.
A few days later, in your interview with a Malay-language newspaper, you had to soften what you had said, clearly showing your vulnerability.
Even Umno vice-president Hishammuddin Hussein told you to “stick to the struggles of BN”. What are they? Do you know?
You were even a target of criticism at the Umno general assembly last October. A delegate slammed you for saying that the social contract should not be discussed openly.
Then at the BN convention last month, you called for a ban on the use of the term “Ketuanan Melayu”, and you told Umno it should not approve government policies during its supreme councilmeetings. But straight away, Hishammuddin said you had upset many BN leaders, including those in the MCA.
This boggles the mind. What you said was absolutely right – how could Umno take it upon itself to decide on government policies when it is only one of the component parties of BN? Does the MCA have no say? So how could MCA leaders be upset by what you said? Have they become Umnofied themselves? Have they become slaves of their masters? Or, as former Perak menteri besar Nizar Jamaluddin said, “running dogs”?
Even a cursory glance would bear out what I said. Different scams, different times and different key dramatis personae. It almost seems that one was done to extricate the earlier one from a spot of bother.  I may be over reacting or be at my pessimistic best, but such is the sorry state of affairs that even the current threat of TMC to pull out seems no different.
But these politicians have taken people for a ride far too long. As I have often said in the past, our politicians seem to live in dark ages. They do not realise that the world has moved on and the way they fool the gullible Indians since ages is no longer effective. The media may move on chasing TRPs in a newer case, but the huge social media, with its constantly growing base that is fast reaching a critical mass that few can ignore, is not that fickle