One word which is most often used in today’s times, be it in newspapers or on television, is CORRUPTION. Everyone is up in arms against the C word. Everyone wants change but the problem is nobody WANTS to change - whether it’s the corrupt politician or the corrupted public at large or the lowest rung police hawaldar or the high ranking official at Mantralaya.
Indeed the PM’s not so long ago war cry that UMNO will fight at all cost – even over crushed bodies and broken bones - to remain in power, is increasingly being observed to the letter. Today, Malaysians are being inundated with all kinds of threats, intimidation and strong-arm tactics to a point where we cannot anymore differentiate truth from lies.
And when truth and lies become clouded with political party priorities and ambitions, a society collapses into the trenches of socio-political and economic failures. The beneficiaries will of course be only those who wield control over the masses.
Murkier by the day
Malaysians are lost as to who to believe. Malaysians are tormented with unrelenting main stream showcased news while the alternate media spews breaking news coming from both extremes of the divide – the opposition party forts and the pro-BN blogs mushrooming around us.
Then to add to the clouding, you have ex-military servicemen and ex-cops telling their versions of political manipulations that betray the very fundamentals of democracy, while the leaders of these supposedly impartial organizations brazenly tell whistle-blowers to shut up or face the consequences.
Till today we do not know who gave the marching orders to blow to smitten the Mongolian national, using C4. Till today we do not know how come the immigration entry and egress records could vanish from the systems of the victim.
Till today we still cannot see justice dawning upon the souls of the two citizens who met their deaths at the MACC premises.
Till today we cannot ripe ourselves off clean from the sordid sodomy trial that is being propped up at great cost of the tax payers’ hard earned money.
Till today we do not know much about the weapons deals running into billions of ringgit.
Till today we know so little about the BMF scandal. Till today we do not see light at the end of the tunnel of the Lingam-gate saga or the MAS –Tajuddin saga.
The missing jigsaw puzzles are just far too many to list here.
Till today we do not know so many things that affect the working rakyat. But increasingly, if you ask it is a crime. If you persist, it is punishable. If you become adamant, you are a traitor of sorts.
Truth and lies not longer any different
Yet so much is being spewed out from the main stream media to pro-UMNO blogs to opposition aligned news sources where we cannot anymore know the truth from the lies. That is a defining danger that nations with good governance attempt to avoid at all cost.
Looks like, we are certainly and fast reaching a point where truth and lies do not matter. What matters is that the rakyat throw their total support for the UMNO / BN political survival and victory without questioning and all hell will not break loose.
That in itself is a sure measure that will sink this nation into a pit that will paralyze us while our neighbors rise to ride the waves of the next socio-politic and economic decade given their fortitude and solidarity for true democracy and civil liberties.
Indeed the days ahead of us are gloomy; unless if we still want to kid ourselves with more smokescreens that hide truth from lies and vice versa.
Malaysians must be careful with the growing deceits, lies and dangerous allegations and unscrupulous practices in our local politics.The government must be careful too in reacting to these allegations. The normal respond of responding harshly to those who are seen as "outsiders" or opposition symphatizer may not help the government cause to act fairly and just.
Something must be done to check on Utusan Malaysia's editorials. Their editors have a wild of side of writing based on hearsay or pure allegations. Utusan's current editorial stand is giving the government controlled media channels a bad name.
Recently, an Utusan Malaysia editor said yesterday that Muslim primary schoolchildren are being taught about Jesus by Christian youths aiming to convert them, which is illegal under Malaysian law.
Zaini Hassan, assistant chief editor at the Umno-owned daily, had written in his column that poor Malay children living in squatters along Jalan Klang Lama were singing, “Yes, I know Jesus loves me” and reciting the story of Jesus Christ’s crucifixion, in their primary school.
He said that an Indian teacher from the school, known only as Cikgu S, had informed him Malay children were being given free English classes by young Christian evangelists every Sunday.
Zaini should do better than just assuming the event did actually happen. If the informant is authentic and real, he should reveal his identity and offer himself as a witness. Who is Cikgu S? Is he another Datuk T in the making?
As a responsible newspaper, Utusan's stand and editorials on many issues are worrying. Not many of them are contributing towards the society's common good.
Similarly, we demand a stop to political lies and deceits such as allegations against PSM6 who had been linked to communism, Bersih's Ambiga receiving foreign funding, DAP anti-Islam claims and so forth.
Lies and deceits against Barisan leaders must stop too e.g. unsubstantiated attacks on PM Najib and his wife, Jais raid, mud slinging using religion and race etc.
Another victim, Minister of Tourism Dr Ng Yen Yen is finally getting her public apology from advertising director Austen Victor Lauw Zecha over the latter's claim that Ng had demanded commission for the "Malaysia Truly Asia" campaign deal worth hundreds of million.
Under the settlement, Zecha, 71, has agreed to read out a statement of apology over the matter in open court.
Zecha also consented to publishing the statement of apology in a prominent Chinese daily – Sin Chew Daily or Nanyang Siang Pau – within 48 hours of it being read in court.
He also agreed to read out the statement in the Business FM 89.9’s Current Affairs radio programme within a week after it was read out in court.
Zecha will also pay an undisclosed sum in damages to Dr Ng. This case may not be politically driven but the Minister's credibility had taken a beating soon after the allegation was made and politicized. It is doubtful is the apology may be enough to repair the damage.
It is pertinent for politicians and their supporters to realize that using deceits and lies to win power is going to drag this multiracial country into irreversible division and destruction.
They should compete on providing good policies and governance to the people. Our national interests and goodwill should take precedence over petty and dangerous politicking.
We should demand for first world politicians and not just winnable candidates.
Politicians have been the most corrupt in this scenario because that’s where it all starts from - the root of all evil so to speak. Right from awarding tenders to non-deserving candidates or siphoning off monies meant for organising a prestigious games event. They are like the virus which is eating away into the very fabric of Indian society. Sometime’s it feels like, that the pre requisite of becoming a politician is the absence of conscience, guilt and transparancy. I wouldn’t want to put a blanket on all politicians but a majority of them seem to be falling into the bracket of irresponsible citizens who have been instated into positions requiring great responsibility.The ways of our Government often perplex me. When inflation cripples us, they simply look away or offer silly reasons for doing nothing. What's worse, just to make the point that they don't have to listen to our protests, they raise fuel prices eleven times in quick succession. When corruption corrodes our society and destroys our lives, the Government goes into denial till the Supreme Court or CAG intervenes and forces it to act. It then acts reluctantly, grumbling about judicial over reach or why CAG has no business pointing out corruption when its responsibilities don't go beyond book keeping. Even when it comes to terrorism and organised crime, the Government is always late to respond. But when it comes to acting tough against its own citizens, they are quick, very quick. No Supreme Court, no CAG needs to intervene. You can see they are having a lot of fun being nasty.
Take the case of Anna Hazare.
Anna is just another common citizen like you and I. Except that unlike some of us he has lived a somewhat uncomplicated, exemplary life. He has also tried to bring in change at the grass root level, which has put him in open conflict with some of our wickedest political leaders who have done their best to crush him. But Anna has been obstinate. No amount of bullying has intimidated him. Nor have his adversaries managed to hurt his credibility despite floating many ugly rumours about his trust and his personal integrity.
That is why, when India was so desperately looking for someone to lead civil society in its protest against what is undoubtedly the most corrupt Government we have ever had, Anna was an obvious choice. No, he did not start the anti-corruption campaign. Thousands of ordinary Indians did. You and I did. And Anna emerged as the face of the movement. Just as the Janlokpal Bill became its focus.
The question is no longer: Is the Janlokpal Bill perfect? Millions think it is. The Government says no. But that's not moot any more. The people of India have coalesced around the Bill because they see it as an answer to a problem that is killing them every day. Corruption not only hurts the poor; it hurts and humiliates us all today. Whoever we may be, whatever we may be doing it is no longer possible to do anything without paying bribes to the political class and its minions in the bureaucracy. Even the business community, often accused of being blind to corruption, is now sick of being constantly harassed and extorted by the very leaders they bankroll to fight the elections.
So the question is not: Is Anna Hazare the best leader to fight this war against corruption? The question is also not: Is the Janlokpal Bill the ideal weapon to fight the war with? It's not even the cynical question: Can the war ever be won? The question today is: Shall we let this opportunity pass? Suddenly we find that the whole nation has quietly and unobtrusively come together to take a stand against corruption and Anna, for better or for worse, is the face of the struggle. Shall we let this opportunity go or should we seize it? That's the real question. And India has already answered it.
Our biggest enemy today is cynicism. We have lost faith in our ability to change our lives. Anna is the answer to that. This small, frail man in a Gandhi cap may or may not appeal to all of us. We are a vast nation. Each of us eats, lives, dreams, prays differently. Each of us has our own vision of what India can or should be.
But this is the right time to set aside our differences and stand together against corruption. And against those who defend it under a million pretexts. It's time to stand beside Anna and prove that when it comes to protecting India, we are all ready to fight the good fight. The war against corruption may or may not be winnable. But we can at least expose those who are destroying this nation. We can make them squirm.
Change is not a road map. It is the first stone we chuck against our oppressors.
In the past three years some of the biggest scams have hit the nation, the 2G scam or the Commonwealth Games ghotala being the most prominent ones. Every other week, one reads about a lot of lesser evils being picked up and put behind bars but most of the major players are still unassailable, which I think is the most frustrating part of being an Indian. It is akin to the driver of a influential man being jailed for a hit and run committed by the owner himself. Most of these powerful politicians enjoy some kind of diplomatic immunity which makes them above or at least beyond the law of the land and they roam freely thinking up more ways to scam the Indian.
Then there is the corrupt cop hiding behind a tree waiting to pounce on an errant driver who has jumped a signal or hasn’t buckled up!!! They are never visible before you have broken a red light, which makes one wonder whether they are there to prevent the law being broken or to actually facilitate it! Had he been standing at the crossing, the driver wouldn’t have broken the signal in the first place. And then the proverbial 100 rupee note exchanges hands but to give the Indian police force its due, let me quote Mr bachchan from one of his most popular movies - ITNE PAGAAR ME GHAR NAHI CHALTA, IMAAN KYA CHALEGA, COMMISSIONER … its tough to put your life on the block when your own family is living hand to mouth..
And that brings me to the most corrupt of all - The Indian populace at large! We are probably one of the most easily corruptible nations in the world. Think about how many times you have greased the palms of an official at MTNL to get a telephone connection out of line, how many times have you slipped a 100 rupee note to the traffic hawaldar saying bachchon ke liye mithai le lena,how many times you’ve even given a sizable donation to the school of your choice so that your child gets good education. In other words, our lives start with a bribe. We are not the mirrors of purity and definitely not above corruption so unless ‘WE’ change, no LOKPAL bill will have any windfall effect on the country and its administration. The people and their psyche have to change. Easier said than done I know, but we have to start somewhere so instead of protesting and holding dharnas for the release of Anna Hazare, start thinking like Anna and SAY NO TO CORRUPTION IN YOUR OWN LIVES!
What is this country coming to? Many Malaysians are asking this question in view of the numerous actions taken by the police over the past week.
Weeks after the Malaysian government cracked down on pro-reform protesters gathered under the banner of the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections, or Bersih, uncertainty is still thick in Kuala Lumpur.
Bersih, which literally means "clean" in Malay, estimates that 50,000 people showed up at the July 9 rally to protest in favor of electoral reforms, clean politics and anti-corruption measures as stated in an 8-point manifesto. The police, who fired tear gas and water cannons at the demonstrators, claim that only a few thousand were present. In the end, some 1,700 people were arrested, while several were injured, and one died.
The rally was the second organized by Bersih. The first, held in November 2007, was also met with a heavy-handed response, although to a lesser degree. Bersih has now demanded that Malaysia's election commission complies with its demands or face a new rally.
In the meantime, it is worth examining what Bersih signifies in a country where politics has always been an elite-only game monopolized, until recently, by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) party.
Some observers agree with the NGOs, civil society groups and citizens that took part in the rally, who see Bersih as the beginning of a Malay Spring, a moderate version of the mostly people-driven uprisings reverberating in the Middle East. According to this view, Bersih is a pro-democracy, grassroots movement uniting the country's notoriously divided ethnic groups.
Conversely, the Malaysian government and its supporters contend that Bersih is a movement manipulated by the political opposition to overthrow the government. As such, they argue, Bersih is a threat to public order that needs to be dealt with severely.
Bersih's future impact is likely to be determined by a number of uncertain variables, making any political forecast fraught with a sizeable margin of error. Nonetheless, it is fair to say that neither of the above-noted positions is fully substantiated.
Bersih was established in July 2005 as a Joint Action Committee for Electoral Reform. It took on a more permanent shape in November 2006, with several NGOs and civil society groups playing a key role in determining its programs, tactics and dynamics.
However, it is undeniable that members of the Pakatan Rakyat opposition coalition have also been involved and played an important role. While it is unfair to label Bersih a tool of the opposition, it is reasonable to acknowledge that its close ties with opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim and his supporters have weakened Bersih's claim to be a genuine grassroots movement.
Understandably, Bersih and Pakatan Rakyat share the objective of reforming Malaysian politics to allow for a more level playing field. With its flawed electoral laws and biased national media helping to perpetuate the UMNO's hegemony, Malaysia traditionally scores low in democratic assessments, with Freedom House scoring it as "partly free" in 2010. Yet, Bersih would enjoy more credibility had it maintained a clearer distance from Pakatan Rakyat.
Also, Bersih claims to represent all the different ethnic groups that constitute the Malaysian nation. However, although the movement is indeed supported by ethnic Malays, Indians and Chinese, they predominantly share a similar socio-economic profile -- namely urban, educated and young.
Outside this socio-economic circle, the ethnic divisions associated with the UMNO-perpetuated pro-Malay system are still very prominent. Ethnic Malays at the top and bottom of the social ladder -- the latter found especially in rural areas -- enjoy the patronage benefits this system grants them and have no intention of foregoing them any time soon. Likewise, some ethnic Indians and Chinese, associated with ethnic parties included in the UMNO-dominated Barisan Nasional coalition, also benefit from the status quo and therefore view it favorably.
Lastly, Malaysia's socio-political landscape seems unlikely to offer the groundswell of discontent needed to fuel movements like those on display in the Arab world. It has been argued that the Arab Spring was driven by the confluence of a number of factors, including economic stagnation, high unemployment, widespread poverty, corruption and human rights abuses. Malaysia has its share of problems, but it is by no means in the same league as Egypt or Syria. Given the not-insignificant support for the current system, Bersih will struggle to ignite a nationwide, pro-democracy movement.
To dismiss Berish, however, would be a mistake. In fact, despite its contradictions, the movement may have a considerable impact on local politics.
The 2007 Bersih protest was widely credited with spurring on Malaysia's opposition movement, which won its best-ever electoral results in 2008. In the short term, the ripple effects of the latest protest could again galvanize the Anwar-led coalition, which has partly lost steam since the 2008 vote. This may be insufficient to dethrone the UMNO, but could be enough to keep it on its toes.
However, if Bersih establishes itself as a durable structure, its main impact could be in the mid-to-long term. The segment of society supporting Berish is influential. Their age means that they are likely to be politically active for decades, and their educated, middle class background raises the possibility that they may one day occupy powerful roles in the country's financial, cultural and educational sectors, to name a few. The injection of reform-minded executives into a stagnant system could result in progressive ideas slowly becoming more acceptable to the mainstream.
Bersih may also force Malaysia's international partners to take a closer look at what is happening in and around Kuala Lumpur. The July 9 crackdown was condemned internationally and focused a critical spotlight back on Prime Minister Najib Razak, who had lately enjoyed positive press treatment.
Moreover, small-scale Bersih protests staged in 38 cities worldwide -- including Washington, New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, Portland and San Francisco in the U.S. - serve as a reminder that in a globalized world, the dividing line between national and international politics is often porous. Bersih supporters have since kept the pressure up via Facebook and blogs.
Hence, although spring as a season does not exist in near-equatorial Malaysia, democracy could still blossom if monsoonal downpours manage to nurture the terrain.
Bersih, which literally means "clean" in Malay, estimates that 50,000 people showed up at the July 9 rally to protest in favor of electoral reforms, clean politics and anti-corruption measures as stated in an 8-point manifesto. The police, who fired tear gas and water cannons at the demonstrators, claim that only a few thousand were present. In the end, some 1,700 people were arrested, while several were injured, and one died.
The rally was the second organized by Bersih. The first, held in November 2007, was also met with a heavy-handed response, although to a lesser degree. Bersih has now demanded that Malaysia's election commission complies with its demands or face a new rally.
In the meantime, it is worth examining what Bersih signifies in a country where politics has always been an elite-only game monopolized, until recently, by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) party.
Some observers agree with the NGOs, civil society groups and citizens that took part in the rally, who see Bersih as the beginning of a Malay Spring, a moderate version of the mostly people-driven uprisings reverberating in the Middle East. According to this view, Bersih is a pro-democracy, grassroots movement uniting the country's notoriously divided ethnic groups.
Conversely, the Malaysian government and its supporters contend that Bersih is a movement manipulated by the political opposition to overthrow the government. As such, they argue, Bersih is a threat to public order that needs to be dealt with severely.
Bersih's future impact is likely to be determined by a number of uncertain variables, making any political forecast fraught with a sizeable margin of error. Nonetheless, it is fair to say that neither of the above-noted positions is fully substantiated.
Bersih was established in July 2005 as a Joint Action Committee for Electoral Reform. It took on a more permanent shape in November 2006, with several NGOs and civil society groups playing a key role in determining its programs, tactics and dynamics.
However, it is undeniable that members of the Pakatan Rakyat opposition coalition have also been involved and played an important role. While it is unfair to label Bersih a tool of the opposition, it is reasonable to acknowledge that its close ties with opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim and his supporters have weakened Bersih's claim to be a genuine grassroots movement.
Understandably, Bersih and Pakatan Rakyat share the objective of reforming Malaysian politics to allow for a more level playing field. With its flawed electoral laws and biased national media helping to perpetuate the UMNO's hegemony, Malaysia traditionally scores low in democratic assessments, with Freedom House scoring it as "partly free" in 2010. Yet, Bersih would enjoy more credibility had it maintained a clearer distance from Pakatan Rakyat.
Also, Bersih claims to represent all the different ethnic groups that constitute the Malaysian nation. However, although the movement is indeed supported by ethnic Malays, Indians and Chinese, they predominantly share a similar socio-economic profile -- namely urban, educated and young.
Outside this socio-economic circle, the ethnic divisions associated with the UMNO-perpetuated pro-Malay system are still very prominent. Ethnic Malays at the top and bottom of the social ladder -- the latter found especially in rural areas -- enjoy the patronage benefits this system grants them and have no intention of foregoing them any time soon. Likewise, some ethnic Indians and Chinese, associated with ethnic parties included in the UMNO-dominated Barisan Nasional coalition, also benefit from the status quo and therefore view it favorably.
Lastly, Malaysia's socio-political landscape seems unlikely to offer the groundswell of discontent needed to fuel movements like those on display in the Arab world. It has been argued that the Arab Spring was driven by the confluence of a number of factors, including economic stagnation, high unemployment, widespread poverty, corruption and human rights abuses. Malaysia has its share of problems, but it is by no means in the same league as Egypt or Syria. Given the not-insignificant support for the current system, Bersih will struggle to ignite a nationwide, pro-democracy movement.
To dismiss Berish, however, would be a mistake. In fact, despite its contradictions, the movement may have a considerable impact on local politics.
The 2007 Bersih protest was widely credited with spurring on Malaysia's opposition movement, which won its best-ever electoral results in 2008. In the short term, the ripple effects of the latest protest could again galvanize the Anwar-led coalition, which has partly lost steam since the 2008 vote. This may be insufficient to dethrone the UMNO, but could be enough to keep it on its toes.
However, if Bersih establishes itself as a durable structure, its main impact could be in the mid-to-long term. The segment of society supporting Berish is influential. Their age means that they are likely to be politically active for decades, and their educated, middle class background raises the possibility that they may one day occupy powerful roles in the country's financial, cultural and educational sectors, to name a few. The injection of reform-minded executives into a stagnant system could result in progressive ideas slowly becoming more acceptable to the mainstream.
Bersih may also force Malaysia's international partners to take a closer look at what is happening in and around Kuala Lumpur. The July 9 crackdown was condemned internationally and focused a critical spotlight back on Prime Minister Najib Razak, who had lately enjoyed positive press treatment.
Moreover, small-scale Bersih protests staged in 38 cities worldwide -- including Washington, New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, Portland and San Francisco in the U.S. - serve as a reminder that in a globalized world, the dividing line between national and international politics is often porous. Bersih supporters have since kept the pressure up via Facebook and blogs.
Hence, although spring as a season does not exist in near-equatorial Malaysia, democracy could still blossom if monsoonal downpours manage to nurture the terrain.
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