Is Najib wetting his pants the raise of true Malay against the Celup Malay?

NOW  NAJIB wear diaper 3

 Lets see what our agung will do for the poor!!!
Over 5,000 protesters at the Himpunan Oren have begun their march in Kuala Lumpur this afternoon to hand over a memorandum to the agong on Felda Global Ventures Holdings’ (FGV) controversial listing. Peaceful Protest is always possible if the police to no abuse their powerProven that we can have peaceful gathering provided the PDRM dont run amok ! Isa is giving these people the 1Malaysia middle finger sign to show he cares a damn for this protest. The show will and must go on else no money will line the pockets of the anointed of umno. A few years down the road when the 'windfall' peters out, the curse of the played out settlers will be visited upon those who contrived this scam. Mark my words.A Malay political party demonstrated against a Malay dominated government and a Malay controlled Felda. No tear gas fired, not water cannon shot. What is the message? Malay solidarity, Malays unity.
Najib is wetting his pant the raise of true malay agaist celup malay

What is the meaning of justice in the wake of massive injustices? This question confronts the countries of the Arab Spring, just as it confronted tens of countries emerging from war and dictatorship over the past generation.How the Arab Spring countries address the evils of yesterday affects their prospects for peace and democracy tomorrow. Today only Tunisia is reasonably stable. Egypt has just experienced a polarizing election and faces continued uncertainty whether its military will relinquish power. Libya's national government does not yet control the entire country. Yemen faces a separatist south. Syrian is sundered by civil war. All are rent by the fissures that the past has bequeathed.Thus far, most of these countries have faced the past via the international community's dominant orthodoxy of human rights and judicial punishment. This orthodoxy received a boost this past March when the International Criminal Court, the body in which international lawyers and human rights activists have placed their greatest hopes for global justice, secured its first conviction in 10 years of operation. In April, the Special Court for Sierra Leone convicted arch war criminal Charles Taylor. Turning to the Arab Spring, the ICC has indicted the late Muammar Qaddafi's son, Seif, while Tunisia and Egypt have each tried their erstwhile heads of state and several high-level officials. Yemen has adopted a broad amnesty. Syria will surely face the question of trials at some point.Accountability for arch war criminals is intrinsically just and can fortify the rule of law. But judicial prosecution is not enough. There is little evidence that international tribunals have contributed stability to countries like Rwanda and Yugoslavia whose perpetrators they have tried and sentenced in substantial numbers. The limitation of trials is that they leave untended a wide range of wounds which, like buried landmines, will explode in revenge and retribution if they are not disinterred and defused.More promising for lasting peace is a different paradigm that has emerged though the fitful politics of past evil: reconciliation. The concept finds its oldest and deepest expression in religious traditions. It is religious leaders like Pope John Paul II and Archbishop Desmond Tutu who have done most to bring reconciliation into global politics. Relevant to the Arab Spring, reconciliation is commended by the Quran and is practiced in rich Middle Eastern tribal rituals known as musalaha.In Christianity, Judaism and Islam, reconciliation means the holistic restoration of right relationship. In the political realm reconciliation is advanced through a portfolio of practices that redress the wide range of wounds that political injustices inflict. These practices of reconciliation aim at wider transformative restorations than do rights or judicial punishment.Truth commissions, for instance -- more than 40 of which have taken place over the past three decades -- confer far more than a right to truth but also acknowledgment of the suffering of victims on the part of public authorities, fellow onlookers and even sometimes perpetrators. When truth commissions are at their best, victims are restored through recognition and often drop their demands for revenge.Even punishment can be practiced restoratively. Following Timor Leste's war of the final quarter of the 20th century, village forums were held in which perpetrators of crimes, victims and community members would gather before tribal elders, tell how the crimes affected them, and exchange apology and forgiveness, upon which elders would prescribe a reintegrative form of punishment like community service. Although such forums are inadequate to try perpetrators of the worst crimes, they can redress thousands of lesser crimes in restorative fashion.The most distinct practice of reconciliation is forgiveness. It involves no right but is rather an act of good will on the part of a victim. In most religions forgiveness is no mere dismissal of charges but rather an act that constructs right relationship. Passages in the Quran teach that even in the case of murder, while a victim's relative may demand death as retribution, it is even better for him to forgive the murderer while receiving diya, or compensation. In the wake of political injustices, forgiveness has been practiced widely in Uganda, South Africa and Sierra Leone, among other places.Working together, practices of reconciliation can help overcome the divisions that endanger the Arab Spring. As of now, only Tunisia -- where democratic stability is greatest -- speaks of robust reconciliation. Its Ministry of Human Rights and Transitional Justice has proposed a holistic plan involving truth telling, apologies and reparations. Even here, progress has been mixed, while other countries have proposed far less. Talk of forgiveness is altogether rare. But lest the Arab Spring revert to wintry bedlam, a politics of reconciliation is needed.

   Is the news report “Tunisians not afraid to speak up now and determine their future” in the Star newspaper on 14 March, a hidden message or a rare accident in which a credible portrayal of the recent people’s uprising there actually managed to find expression.

Many people are aware that the main stream media papers like ‘The Star’ or ‘The New Straits Times’ act as mouthpieces for the BN government. Therefore the piece’s main message about liberated Tunisians is a powerful piece to mock the newspaper owners and the BN government.

The journalists and editors involved are not at fault – perhaps they were moved by events in the middle-east and north Africa that they felt the need to express what has been left unsaid by millions of Malaysians.

Make no mistake there’s a battle raging for the soul of new media. Not the clichéd war between print and Web or between Silicon Valley and New York, but rather a series of internal battles being fought within nearly every publication. It’s the battle between  journalism and churnalism.

On on side are things like Demand Media, The Aol Way and the seduction of cheap hackery that is designed simply to generate easy page views and to help investors to sleep at night. On the other side is stodgy, snobby, old-school journalism which needs to find a new online home if it’s to survive the decade. The latter carries with it the seduction of everything Woodward and Bernstein – and is the only way to really build a media franchise that stands for something and can demand Vanity Fair-like ad premiums.

No company represents this tug of war more ably than our overlords at Aol, to the point where sometimes the battle rages within a single soldier. No sooner had ad sales guru turned CEO Tim Armstrong laid out his SEO-centric “Way”, and renamed the company’s media properties as “towns” ruled by “mayors” than he pulled an apparent 180, acquiring the Huffington Post and naming its founder Arianna Huffington as head of all content.readmoreBattle Rages On Journalism vs Assholism Chaunistic Malay Prostitute vs Chaunistic Chinese Prostitute for we the Suckers the Customer

This not a political blog. I understand that politics pervades everything, but I’m not pushing a political agenda. I’m pushing a human agenda.

As a journalist for decades, I avoided making political statements at all costs. Back then you lost your job for it. Today, it’s nearly a prerequisite for employment in mainstream media.I avoid stories that make blatant political statements because they only diminish the potential impact. Improving your health, chasing your dreams and improving your community shouldn’t be about politics. Of course, the current battle over  ANWAR IBRAHIM is highly politicized. My goal is to simply relay a perspective about  Dysfunctional Fame Whores from my very specific vantage point.Our that encourages people of all ages, all colors and every socioeconomic status to become all that they can by pursuing their passions, improving their well-being and helping others. Malaysia Insider  Star ,Sun Utusan NST clogged with contrived formulaic writting. Give dysfunctional fame whores national exposure and the very clear understanding that only outlandish behavior ends up on

has dealt with numerous difficult personalities, but she may have just taken on his most challenging client yet: Satan. The Devil has just hired Joceline Tan the Prostitue to improve their image! “The Prince of Darkness has been misunderstood,” claims Joceline Tan the Prostitue. “I find them  to be quite a charming and charismatic individuals with many positive qualities. And I’m not just saying that because I’m extremely well paid to say nice things about them.”Levine and his staff are currently developing a sophisticated global media campaign with the goal of promoting Beelzebub’s admirable strengths. “Satan is powerful, handsome, wealthy, creative, resourceful, and successful,” states Levine. “He’s basically Donald Trump with better hair.”

Inside sources reveal that for her publicity services,Tan the Prostitue  is receiving a compensation package which includes $10 million, eternal life, and a no-holds-barred weekend with both ummi and paris hilton . “By the time I’m through with Satan’s campaign,  new image will make the Pope, in comparison, seem like a sleazy, murdering pimp.”

Asked why Satan is so interested in being perceived in such a positive light, Joceline Tan the Prostitue speculates,”I think they getting older, maturing, and feeling that maybe their life can have more substantial meaning beyond simply being the source of all evil.” But a Catholic Church official responds, “Hogwash! Satan’s up to something; I wouldn’t trust them as far as I could throw them!” This one is dedicated to all those nutcases who continue to think that Tun Daim Zainuddin was a cool dude, and  honour some of the other `dudes’ like child rapist , or PENISCHIK the Ripper, or perhaps the mythological Womaniser Nazri the Raavan? OR ANCHOR BEER Hisapmuddin HI Well,so keep on naming schools, cafes and pool parlours after the crazy  leader. The latest `memorial’ being the UMNO Witness Protection house complete with young Malay girls for them to Fuck around them Dump the by Product at the umno staircase to fuck  Insignia like the Trademark 1 Malaysia in there

The lack of an Islamic takeover in Libya, Tunisia and Egypt has forced scholars and academics to rework their theories and acknowledge their deep-seated stereotypes on which they found their analyses [GETTY]

Many have been watching the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya with astonishment, not just because they seem to be coming out of the blue, but also because they have been amazingly civil, peaceful, unpretentious, and transformative.

There are still several other revolutions now in the making – the closest one to the finish line seems to be the Libyan uprising.

The credit, of course, goes to the people of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and to whoever might ultimately follow; who knows who will be the next?

If we would like to define this moment and describe the stage at which the revolutions stand, there is nothing better than the proverb attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, as preserved in the traditional pious Muslim consciousness: the time for the greater struggle of building self has come.

Having succeeded in the lesser struggle of overthrowing the dictators, the revolutionaries face now the difficult task of keeping the momentum alive after reaching the peak.

It is easy to forget the reasons why these revolutions happened in the first place. It is ultimately up to the people of the region to decide the future direction of this transformation, but one must not forget that winning a battle does not guarantee winning final victory in the overall struggle.

C’est la vie

As we have seen since the French rose up against King Louis XVI in 1789, revolutions can go disappointingly awry.

Rest assured, as we speak there are many working behind the scenes just to reach that goal. One needs not be an expert to guess that horse-trading among domestic and international actors is well underway in Tunisia, Egypt, and now Libya.

The choice for the revolutionaries, their allies, and supporters is clear but fraught with peril: the revolutionary forces can change everything only to find that everything stays the same, like what eventually happened in Iran after the revolution of 1979, or they can start a Promethean struggle for the betterment of their societies piece by piece as part of a struggle for freedom, peace, social justice, and dignity, hand-in-hand with Les damnés de la terre.

Analysts in North America and Europe did not expect revolutions in the region, and those who did, did not expect them to come from these seemingly irrelevant and unlikely actors and to be this widespread and peaceful.

This blanket statement covers both the longstanding members of the media and academia. My question is simple: Why?

Why were the antennas of the media and academia unable to perceive that an earthquake of this magnitude was coming?

It is not that they were innocent of predicting things. Was it because social media had not been tested as a means for revolution and the pundits and analysts were not yet prepared to assess the impact of social media?

This was not the case. For everyone knows that a large part of the success of Obama’s election campaign was due to its effective use of internet media to mobilise the Democratic base and the independents.

So, one cannot explain away the failure of being caught off guard via inexperience in social media’s transformative power.

Furthermore, let’s not jump to the conclusion about social media as the reason for or the facilitator of the revolutions.

Nurul Izzah Anwar.

KUALA LUMPUR, March 27 — Nurul Izzah Anwar once again challenged Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to debate policies outlined in Pakatan Rakyat’s Orange Book with her father, Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

The PKR vice-president made the statement today while addressing Umno’s denial that it was behind a recent sex tape scandal implicating Anwar.

“Indeed, if these claims have any basis, the acid test is for the Umno MPs to urge their president to agree to a public policy debate between the leader of Pakatan Rakyat Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

“This will reveal Datuk Seri Najib Razak as either a true political warrior or merely a political pirate like some of his predecessors who continue to fire salvos from the sidelines,” she said.

Anwar, the 63-year old political veteran, has charged that top Umno leaders had masterminded the sex tape scandal in a bid to bury his political career.

Earlier today, Umno supreme council member Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan stressed that attacks on Anwar have always been about his and PR’s policies, and that Umno would never stoop so low.

The video hit media headlines on Monday when a mysterious “Datuk T” invited selected media personnel to Carcosa Seri Negara to view the recording.

The trio of Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Tamby Chik, businessman Datuk Shazryl Eskay, and Perkasa treasurer and former Umno senator Datuk Shuib Lazim have since been unmasked as “Datuk T”.

Today, Nurul Izzah also issued a challenge to the Sarawak chief minister to debate with PKR Sarawak’s chief, in light of the Sarawak election next month.

“In the same spirit, I repeat Keadilan’s calls for the current chief minister of Sarawak Pehin Seri Taib Mahmud to accept the invitation to a public policy debate with Baru Bian, the PKR Sarawak chief.

“Let us see if Umno and the other Barisan Nasional component parties dare to accept this challenge, for it will reveal if they are truly for a Malaysian politics that is about the contestation of ideas and policies, or if they are really for character assassinations and political piracy,” Nurul Izzah said.

Anti-social

The role of social media in the revolutions seems to be inflated more than it can bear.

Let’s not forget that there was the Tahrir Square as a physical public space where people gathered and demonstrated.

True that social media facilitated the dissemination of information faster and better and therefore succeeded in bringing people together to organise collective action. As a facilitator it did a superb job.

However, still it did not have the means to inspire, give sense of how wide spread the uprisings were, and articulate and validate whether the protests were going to bring any result. This Al Jazeera did.

The role of social media in Tunisian and, especially, Egyptian uprisings was important, but as the Libyan uprising shows clearly, the role of Al Jazeera has been central and critical.

As a news outlet, Al Jazeera had already become the voice of the disaffected even before they protested. During the revolutions, it sympathised with the people, reported events from their perspectives, inspired them to seek better lives, encouraged them to push forward, and made them feel they had agency and power.

So hiding behind the sudden rise and novelty of social media to explain the failure to see this tectonic change is not convincing.

One needs to recognise where media and academia had preferred to focus their attention as a contributor to this failure.

The bogeymen of 9/11

Let’s be honest. The spirit of the time marked by 9/11 revolved around the bogeymen of “Islamic fundamentalism” and “Osama bin Laden”.

Knowledge production in Europe and North America has developed primarily in the context post-9/11 propaganda tsunami created by the Islamophobic ranting of far-right extremists, whose opinions no longer even merit a serious response.

So, many sensible analysts found it expedient to combat the anti-Muslim/Arab propaganda with debunking propaganda’s arguments.

They all shuffled from class to class, campus to campus, temple to temple, and NGO to NGO to explain Islam and Muslims.

Yet, even in the back of the most-respected pundits’ and academics’ heads the fear was that these bogeymen might have been much more real and widespread in the “Muslim world” than they were willing to admit

This goes for those who strove to forge a common ground between Muslims, Arabs and the West in a spirit of objectivity, empathy, sympathy, experience, and scholarly honesty, and sought to strengthen the cross-cultural dialogue and understanding by debriefing the European and North American audiences after generations of misinformation.

Despite their best intentions, they all ended up being wrong about a lot of things in the process.

Even the progressive journalist Robert Fisk’s initial reaction to the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings was disappointingly paradigmatic.

Let’s dialogue, Muslim. I want to understand you!

As far as I can see, the recent scholarly and learned discourse on Middle Eastern societies has been shaped by two sympathetic narratives intended to inform the public and battle the far right-wingers’ bigotry.

The first narrative had to do with the observed. The explanation went that Islam was not an inherently violent religion; fundamentalism and terrorism were marginal historically, demographically, intellectually, and politically.

The majority of Muslims belonged to more peaceful Muslim movements and currents of thought and despised bin Laden’s type of extremism.

The second was about the observer and went along these lines: The “Westerners” ought to develop and nourish cultural and religious dialogue and understanding so that we overcome the temptation to think that all people were like “us”.

Muslims had the right to be different and think differently. Secularism might not be a universally applicable experience, certainly not in Muslim societies.

So the lesson was that the “Westerners” had to learn, understand, and accept Muslims and Arabs as they are without imposing their “Western” categories on them.

Amen.

But somewhere in all of this there was a fatal flaw: the good-hearted, progressive, pro-peace activists, pundits, and academics still followed the trend du jour analyses firmly within the framework of “Muslim religiosity” and “cultural understanding”.

They affirmed rather than denied the basic premise of the conventional wisdom that when it came to Muslims and Arabs, all was about “religion”.

Was it because the ubiquitous and perhaps unconscious thinking that Muslims and Arabs were different? I do not know.

But the fact is that almost no one had envisioned any real alternative to those dictators except the various shades of “fundamentalism” and the nebulous category of “Islamist movements”.

Mubarak and Gaddafi’s overworked canards about “fundamentalism” was not simply their own, it was also that of much of our political leadership, media pundits, and scholars – wittingly or unwittingly.

Therefore, the discourse about Islam as a construct in the progressive media and academia was, by and large, similar to Marie Antoinette’s oft-quoted but always mis-attributed, ”qu’ils mangent de la brioche“.

Good-hearted true, but it showed no understanding and solved no problems.

Inconvenient facts and the failure of the paradigm

Fortunately, a beautiful theory is being spoiled by an inconvenient fact.

The revolutions are forcing all of us to confront the nature of our own thinking. Pundits and many academics found that they had not only miscalculated the real dynamics of these societies, but also knowingly (or more disturbing, unknowingly) indulged deep-seated stereotypes as foundations for analyses, which come across as shameful reminders of the caricature we describe as “Muslim” or “Arab” society.

The inconvenient, but certainly long due and welcome, truth is that the uprisings made us see that labour organisations, students, women, professional groups, in a word the civil society, provided the shock troops for the revolutions.

Looking back at the history of the last century or so, it is hard to imagine how we missed to see these dynamic groups, which have been an integral part of political reforms in the region since the late nineteenth century. They suddenly fell below our radars in the post 9/11 world.

The fact that various components of the civil society staged the revolutions has been a matter of grief for some. Had “Islamic fundamentalism”, as a scholarly as well as media construct, played a major role in these revolutions, they would have affirmed the forecast, fit the existing paradigm, and therefore validated the traditional analyses.

However, the paradigm utterly failed. Even the Islamist movements jumped on the band wagon of the popular uprisings (and belatedly at that) and came across as willing to negotiate with the other actors and embrace a pluralistic society.

In addition, the revolutions are deflating the ultimately hollow concepts of “religious dialogue” and “cultural understanding” as a framework for understanding “Muslims” and “Arabs” with the same speed that a needle would deflate a balloon.

That is a good thing – both concepts helped only highlight and emphasise Arab and Muslim exceptionalism.

They promoted mediocre and irrelevant groups with essentialist views of “Islam” and “Muslims” as partners in such undertakings at the expense of engaging more relevant actors in Middle Eastern societies.

In a sense, this has been a project to create a prophecy that would ultimately fulfil itself and affirm our pre-conceived ideas about “Muslims”.

Thanks to the revolutions, we now have been forced to rethink whether the categories “Muslim” and “Arab” have any meaning at all.

It is time to approach three hundred million Arabic speaking people and more than one billion people professing Islam as their faith in their own ways not as “Muslims” but as an integral part of human society – within the context of particular social experiences, needs, aspirations, worries, and grievances, which are as real, complex, and the same as that of the most other peoples around the world.

It might indeed prove disorienting for the media and academia to see Muslims as individuals from various walks of life (women, students, workers, and professionals) and as members of diverse and competing social classes, who can raise their voices demanding jobs, better wages, freedom, participation, and independence.

But those who still prefer to see nothing other than chants of religious slogans may do so on their own peril as the events of the recent revolutions are changing the way we see the region once and for all.

It is called ezber bozmak in Turkish – breaking the routine. Indeed, revolutions are teaching us a lesson, or so one would hope