KUNTA KINTA FROM ALAGANKULAM THASLEEM MOHAMED IBRAHIM WHO HAS GUT TO DEMAND BODEK KING KIMMA DATUK SYED IBRAHIM KADER TO RESIGN

If you let this filth and evil,

you deserve to get screwed

(likely from the back after witnessing

the penchant for posterior talents)

People get the governance they deserve.

(so think wisely…)

uan Hj Dr. Syed Ebrahim Mohd Esmail

• PERMIM President 2005 to current

mmalaysia786 on April 10, 2011 · Leave a Comment (Edit)

Now, depending on who you talk to, there are many ways of answering these questions.

READMORE http://chittarkottaithowheedjamaathmalaysia.blogspot.com/2011/04/kimma-got-kima-ed-by-munafik-umno.html

So why won’t Najib condemn the politicians who indulge in black magic?read the fullstory Who are the INDIANMUSLIM’s real traitors? Why are the so called high-class Malaysia Alagankulam Muslim Jamath. society members in mute mode 

DEFEAT IS THE DISTANCE BETWEEN A BEDTIME STORY AND A WAKE-UP CALL. THE FORMER STARTS WITH ‘ONCE UPON A TIME…’ AND LULLS THE VOTER TO SLEEP. THE SECOND IS AN ENERGIZER THAT ADDRESSES A FRESH DAWN.

Three political parties have become victims of their own success: their narrative has run its course, and they have not been able to find a further chapter to their saga.

THE UMNO STORY IS THE SIMPLEST: THE FAIRIES HAVE ABANDONED ITS FAIRY TALE. IT BEGAN AS THE PARTY OF LIBERAL MUSLIM ELITES WITH THEIR KETUAAN MELAYU THE ROBUST ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESETTLEMENT OF THE DISPOSSESSED, EVIDENT BY THE 70S, PARADOXICALLY, LIBERATED THEM FROM THE PARTY WHICH HELPED THEM. AFTER THE HIGH-DRAMA BLIP OF THE ANWAR IBRAHIM SAGA THE UMNO REINVENTED ITSELF AS A CHAMPION OF A PSYCHOLOGICAL RATHER THAN AN ECONOMIC NEED.

IN POST-COLONIAL DISCOURSE THOSE WHO’VE TRIED TO EXPLAIN WHY THE DEVELOPING WORLD MAY BE RIDDLED WITH CORRUPTION HAVE POSTULATED THAT ETHICAL STANDARDS ARE CULTURALLY DETERMINED AND THEREFORE SUBJECT TO A PERSON’S ‘INDIVIDUAL CHOICE’. IN OTHER WORDS A MORAL RELATIVIST WOULD ARGUE THAT RIGHT OR WRONG ARE NOT ABSOLUTES, BUT CAN BE DETERMINED BY EACH INDIVIDUAL. MORALS AND ETHICS CAN BE ‘ALTERED FROM ONE SITUATION, PERSON, OR CIRCUMSTANCE TO THE NEXT’. OBVIOUSLY, THE MORAL RELATIVIST WOULD BE CRITICAL OF ANYONE CLAIMING THAT THEIR MORAL STANDARDS ARE SUPERIOR TO THOSE PRACTICED BY OTHER PEOPLES OR CULTURES. BUT WHILE THAT’S ONE OBVIOUS CONCLUSION TO BE HAD, IT IS NOT THE ONLY ONE THAT CAN BE DRAWN FROM IT. THE ARGUMENT GOES FURTHER THAN OTHERS TO EXPLAIN WHY THERE SEEMS TO BE GREATER AMBIVALENCE TO CORRUPTION IN MALAYSIA. IF OUR MORAL RESPONSES ARE INFORMED BY OUR CULTURAL IMPETUSES THEN DOESN’T THE SHEER DIVERSITY OF TRADITIONS ON TO MAKE IT ALMOST IMPOSSIBLE TO JUDGE OR EVEN ACT ACCORDING TO A ONE-SIZE-FITS-ALL MORAL CODE? WHAT IS EASILY CODIFIED AS AN ACCEPTABLE STANDARD FOR MORAL BEHAVIOUR IN THE JUDEO-CHRISTIAN CULTURE OF THE WEST BECOMES ALMOST IMPOSSIBLE TO DO FOR THE MANY COMPETING SUB-CULTURES OF THE SUBCONTINENT. THERE IS, IN SHORT, LITTLE ROOM FOR UNITY OF MORAL PURPOSE IN DIVERSITY.

ITS PEOPLES ON ISSUES OF LEGISLATION AIMED AT IRONING OUT ETHICAL ANOMALIES ON THE  MALAYSIAN IS AN EXAMPLE OF HOW DIFFICULT IT CAN BE TO EVOLVE A UNIVERSAL NORMATIVE CREDO IN MULTI-CULTURAL AND ETHNICALLY DIVERSE SOCIETIES. THIS IS MOST TRUE FOR THE EVIL OF CASTEISM. THE MALAYSIAN STATE HAS BEEN BATTLING THIS ‘AMORAL’ PRACTICE USING DIFFERENT STRATEGIES FOR FIFTY THREE YEARS. A SUSTAINED CAMPAIGN SIMILAR TO THE ONE AGAINST CASTEISM WILL HAVE TO BE MOUNTED BY THE STATE AGAINST OTHER FORMS OF MORAL AND MATERIAL CORRUPTION. BUT FOR THE STATE TO WITHSTAND THE RIGOURS OF BATTLE IT WILL FIRST HAVE TO WAGE A WAR ON ITS OWN AGENCIES. INSTRUMENTS LIKE THE RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACT, WHICH BRING TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY TO GOVERNMENT, DEMONSTRATE THAT THE STATES IN MALAYSIA IS NOT ABOVE SELF-IMPROVEMENT. MORAL CORRUPTION IN MALAY SOCIETY A GENETICALLY ENCODED DISEASE?.

qualified and committed mix of professional and business people

Amma J Jayalalithaa brings change; but has she changed? THE FATE OF INDIAN MUSLIMS NARENDRA MODI WHO BURNED THE MUSLIMS ALIVE IS THE SPEACIAL GUEST The favourite colour of her sari has changed from green to pink, magenta and maroon, but has she really changed her colours? That was the question doing the rounds on

readmore 

READ MORE BETWEEN BODEK KING KIMMA DATUK SYED IBRAHIM KADER AND NIAT CHAIRMAN THASLEEM MOHAMED IBRAHIM AL-HAJ WHO CAN FIGHT BETTER FOR THE INDIAN MUSLIM RIGHTS

KUALA LUMPUR, 17 Mei — Datuk Syed Ibrahim Kader, Presiden Kongres India Muslim Malaysia (Datuk Syed Ibrahim Kader), parti politik sahabat BN, dilantik sebagai ahli Dewan Negara dan dijangka akan mengangkat sumpah dalam beberapa hari.

The Malaysian Insider difahamkan, Syed Ibrahim (gambar), 57, telah menerima surat pelantikan sebagai senator minggu lalu.

“Saya diberitahu Syed Ibrahim telah menerima surat lantikan tersebut Khamis lalu dan tarikh bila akan sumpah akan diketahui esok.

“Syed Ibrahim menerima lantikan tersebut dengan hati terbuka, namun saya difahamkan beliau tidak mahu perkara ini didedahkan terlebih dahulu,” kata sumber ketika dihubungi.

Syed Ibrahim ketika dihubungi The Malaysian Insider enggan mengulas sambil meminta agar menunggu sehingga tarikh angkat sumpah.

Jelas sumber itu, Syed Ibrahim hanya akan membuat kenyataan berhubung pelantikan itu selepas mengangkat sumpah.

Ini merupakan kali pertama wakil Kimma dilantik sebagai ahli Dewan Negara. Kimma ditubuhkan pada 1976.

Penghujung tahun lalu, Syed Ibrahim memohon kerajaan melantik seorang senator daripada kalangan anggota parti itu untuk mewakili kaum India Muslim negara ini.

Beliau berkata, ini kerana parti itu tidak mempunyai saluran untuk bersuara secara langsung terutama bagi menyuarakan masalah kaum India Muslim terus kepada kerajaan.

Selain itu Syed Ibrahim berkata, Kimma juga memohon kepada kerajaan agar wakil India Muslim ditempatkan di Majlis Kerajaan Negeri dan Majlis Kerajaan Tempatan supaya mereka dapat menyalurkan masalah kaum itu kepada pihak berwajib serta mendapat maklumat tentang peluang perniagaan dan perdagangan di dalam mahupun di luar negara.

Beliau juga menyarankan agar kerajaan mewujudkan satu dana khas perniagaan untuk industri kecil dan sederhana dan peniaga kecil India Muslim untuk memudahkan peniaga kecil itu mendapat dana pusingan modal bagi memulakan atau membesarkan perniagaan.

Kimma yang mendakwa ada 80,000 ahli negara telah menyatakan hasrat untuk menyertai BN semenjak 1984 tetapi gagal ekoran bantahan komponennya termasuk oleh MIC.

Ogos lepas, Umno bersetuju menerima Kimma sebagai anggota bergabung parti itu dengan beberapa keistimewaan seperti dijemput hadir sebagai pemerhati dalam perhimpunan agung dan persidangan di peringkat bahagian sekiranya parti itu mempunyai keanggotaan di kawasan berkenaan

IT IS FOR OUR GRAND CHILDREN AND THE FUTURE GENERATION.DONT BE MISLEAD BY THE TINEST OF THE MINORITY

WHO HAVE VESTED INTERST TO RIDE ROUGHSHOT OVER THE MAJORITY, HOW DANGEROUSLY THEY TWISTED

• Create a cooperative environment within the community that could promote and enhance PERMIM’s legitimacy and supremacy to represent the community

Muslims are drenched in poverty and illiteracy not due to lack of funds available in the community but it is the indifference and indolent approach to life coupled with ignorance which have made them vulnerable in society and open to many vices.

real qualified and committed mix of professionl are shut out

 FORMER MIER’s Ariff: 2010 will be a tougher and more challenging year get ready to out of job

Like most ideas, this one did not have a single genesis. I’ve been thinking, and to some extent writing, about feminism for many years and in many guises. The word itself is controversial, with some damning it as the force that destroyed the family and others defending it as the movement that freed a gender. It is one of those terms that starts simply and rapidly gets tangled: if you look around the world and think there are inequalities between the genders, and that those inequalities are not biological and are unfair, you are probably a feminist. And that’s where the arguments begin .   READ THIS TOP ARTICLE who are this jokers by the name of PERMIM, THE CHAUVINIST WHO DON’T GIVE A DAM ABOUT MUSLIMAHS THEY TREAT THEIR WOMAN as outcast CAGED IN But definitions are only useful for what they illuminate, and the language of feminism, like the languages of democracy or freedom, has often been used to obscure. So much of the discourse around the West’s relationship with the Muslim world has been framed through the language of women. It was around women that early Christian Europe framed its opposition to the pleasure palaces of the “Mohammedans”, the barely disguised yearning for the exoticism of the Orient. The role of women in Egyptian society was cited by Napoleon as a wedge through which to enter the country; was cited again as a justification for the Anglo-American invasions of both Iraq and Afghanistan, and is regularly cited as apparent evidence of a lack of commitment to equal rights in Muslim communities. Within the Muslim world, discourse around women’s roles and rights remains highly charged. As much as some point to the treatment of women in Europe as evidence of the vanishing of the West’s moral compass, it is also the case that, across much of the Muslim world, women’s dress has become a way to impose a religious vision upon the society, even as Muslim women use the veil to reclaim their own identities. And, still, in too many countries, internal social and cultural wars are fought on the battleground of women’s bodies. So the question of what counts as feminism, as liberation, in the Arab and Islamic worlds is complicated and intricate. To try and answer it, I am leaving London next week for Beirut, the first stop on a journey that will take me thousands of kilometres across Arab and Islamic lands, through Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan and to the very edges of Indonesia. Through interviews, experiences and research, I hope to come close to an answer, and I’ve been immensely privileged to be awarded a Churchill Fellowship, the living memorial to Britain’s wartime leader, to fund this exploration. What do I hope to find? Not easy answers, for sure. Even the idea of what counts as liberation is mixed. I have called the introductory chapter of the book I am writing about this journey “The caged and the saved”, reflecting the two ways people think of what the Muslim veil does. In it, I tell an anecdote of encountering these contrasting attitudes in real life, when, walking around London with a friend, she asked me, of a woman wearing a Saudi abaya, “How can she think she is liberated when she dresses like that?” It occurred to me another woman might ask the same question about the women around her displaying acres of flesh. Nor is there a clear dividing line between political and religious perspectives. Earlier this year in Morocco I interviewed Nadia Yassine, of the banned Islamist group Al Adl wal Ihsane. As much as she spoke the language of women’s rights and of female liberation, she was reluctant to be pigeonholed as a feminist in the western understanding of the term. Her perspective, she said, stemmed from her faith. The imam and the activist can sometimes reach the same conclusions. Within the Muslim world, as within the West, the idea of what feminism is, where it comes from, how relevant it is, what form equality ought to take are real, live debates. They come to us in snatches: harassment of women on the streets of Cairo, the wearing of trousers in Sudan, unsegregated university campuses in Saudi Arabia, the burning of girls’ schools in Pakistan. And threaded through these snatches are less-regular glimpses of clear successes: the leadership of women such as Queen Rania, Benazir Bhutto and Lubna Olayan. And there is the immense lived experience of millions of women, who assert their own independence daily through their work, relationships, devotion to their family and faith. The Arab and Islamic worlds are going through a period of immense change and the ideology that holds nations and regions together is altering. The big –isms of the world – nationalism, capitalism, Islamism – affect women in each country differently. The outward symbols of faith are obvious illustrations of this, but the framework of the society is equally important. The professor in Tehran and the village-woman in Indonesia will not only dress differently, they may also have different conceptions of the relationship between men and women. I expect to meet those who espouse feminism from a purely secular perspective, and those who say that Islam has provided a clear manifesto for women’s rights. So I am not setting out with preconceived notions. I don’t begin from the assumption that one way of living is better than another, nor do I go in with the assumption that what occurs to one person in one country is indicative of a nation or a faith. But I do think it is possible to delineate between ways of organising a society: that if you look closely enough at a society’s history and people, it is possible to make fine, sensitive judgements. Though I expect differences, I also hope for some common ground. The Arab world is a complex place; nations of Arabic speakers who think they are one but act like they are many. It is a place that defies easy categorisation. I have lived, travelled and reported across many Arab countries over many years, but there are still times when I come across something – an event, a conversation – that makes me think I have barely scratched the surface. Such has been the case with my conversations about feminism: I’ve often understood the word in terms of equality of laws, education and employment. But it is astonishing how varied people’s perceptions are around the Middle East. If that is the case with the Arab world, with all its many commonalities, imagine the complexity of the Islamic worlds that stretch across Asia and Africa. That’s the reason I have broadened the journey out to encompass the vast non-Arab Islamic world: the Shia customs of Iran, the South Asian experience in Pakistan and the newer Asian traditions in Indonesia. The exploration of these places will be a key theme, because no idea lives in isolation; all are shaped by the experience of their societies. I want to go beyond a purely intellectual discussion to understand the lived experiences of women in these societies. I admit there have been times these last few weeks, as I prepare to leave London and skim through old books on the subject, that I have wondered if it is perhaps an overwhelming one. I have been incredibly lucky so far to have friends and colleagues who have helped me get started – I know I will meet many more over the next few months. What I don’t know is if I will find any answers, or even if there are any: that’s why I am going

Promoting active citizship within Muslim communities

Whether you’re an urban professional or a rural homemaker, a high school student or busy executive, there’s something you can contribute. Together, we can leverage the talent in our community and make a difference!Join them and share ideas and information. When you’re ready to act, create an online project that others can be invited to based on their readmoreIndian Muslims:in Malaysia is suffering from Narcissistic Personality Disorder self-centered egotistical behavior traits