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Wednesday, July 11, 2012

Premature Elections Invite Political Instability the hidden hand in ensuring that all their loots have to be protected by hook or by crook




why Najib has to be get rid of by the hidden hand  the master thief that is afraid of Najib's inability to protect his loots !!! All the UMNO warlords, like Tajudin, Daim and the White Rajah of Sarawak have to join force to support the hidden hand in ensuring that all their loots have to be protected by hook or by crook
 After all, he’s enjoying a good personal rating, and good reports from the ground. Not forgetting Umno is now flush with cash.
The real reason he delays and delays, and huffs and puffs is that he fears a looming revolt within Umno.
The incumbents are insisting they are winnable. Would anyone dare replace warlord Tajudin Rahman (Pasir Salak), for example?
Najib is facing potential revolts in all divisions.
Even if he pays the incumbents lots of money, the people supporting the replaced incumbents will sabotage Umno.
More so the incumbents who feel they are winnable but are humiliated because they are not chosen.
The eager beavers who thought they would be chosen but sidelined will muster whatever they can to sabotage Umno.
This is the only reason why Najib is delaying the election date.
Will the one million plus Umno members who have shifted from the “dark side” to the “bright side” come back?


Najib ‘begs’ Taib
Well maybe 5% have but that still leaves more than one million Umno members who will vote for Pakatan Rakyat.
Najib is desperate and he is looking at Sabah and Sarawak for help.
He went to Sarawak recently to plead for an extended lifeline. But the people of Sarawak are not easily fooled any longer.
Chief Minister Taib Mahmud is an old but wizened geezer. He is keen and sharp to the deceptive manoeuvres of Najib.
After all, wasn’t Najib, the Umno president, who repeatedly humiliated him (Taib) by asking him to retire quickly (and in public too)?
The call came from the president of a party who wasn’t able to achieve a 100% win in 2008.
Najib was talking down to Taib, the president of another party who retained all (read 100%) of the seats his candidates contested in.
That’s why Taib sent word to Najib, through an emissary, saying “we shall see who leaves office first”.
The fact is Najib can’t win over the reasonable Malay.
The reasonable Malay is the person riding the LRT, the Metro, or the successor to the famed Sri Jaya bus.
Back in 2007, a series of massive street protests and a string of scandals ranging from judicial fixing to the unravelling of the Port Klang Free Zone (PKFZ) saw BN on the defensive.The year was capped by one of the harshest crackdowns since 2001, with more than 100 arrested and charged with taking part in the Hindraf protest. Five of its leaders were also detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA).Ironically, about a year before Premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi called for snap polls, he had urged the public to tell him the truth. In the end, he didn’t quite like what he was hearing…Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s Administration is today similarly plagued with scandals ranging from the Ampang LRT Line extension project to the Scorpene submarines corruption probe in France, on top of the infamous National Feedlot Corporation (NFC) scandal.Najib, despite promising to make Malaysia “the world’s best democracy”, clamped down on BERSIH with a sledgehammer – not once, but twice. And like Badawi’s slide from grace, Najib’s press conferences have become increasing infrequent, making it difficult for journalists to query the premier about the string of scandals.With less than a year left to the next general election, the question playing on the minds of many is whether history will repeat itself with another crackdown on dissent as Najib’s administration loses its shine.The Companies Commission’s sudden “routine inspection” of the records of human rights group SUARAM, which is pursuing the Scorpene case in France, and the Police investigation into PKR strategy director Rafizi Ramli under the Official Secrets Act for revealing documents allegedly showing that Najib had interfered in the Ampang LRT line extension tender could well be tell-tale signs.However, Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) ChiefExecutive Officer Wan Saiful Wan Jan (left) believes that a Mahathir-style crackdown is unlikely.“If I was the government, I would be very worried about launching a crackdown before an election,” Wan Saiful said. Any such move would only alienate fence-sitters and galvanise opponents at a time when the BN is desperately trying to claw back support lost in the 2008 general election.‘Even suppression has transformed’Political analyst Khoo Kay Peng noted that – like Najib’s many transformation programmes – the federal ruling coalition’s method of silencing critics has also been “transformed”.“I think the modus operandi has changed, it is now difficult to justify major crackdowns on political opponents.Instead, they are using other means, such as using the judiciary to charge people in court even though there is no case, just to create trouble, and even the use of thugs,” Khoo said.An example, he said, was the decision to slap Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim and PKR Deputy President Azmin Ali with several charges for their involvment in the BERSIH 3.0 rally, and the unprecedented lawsuit against Dato Ambiga and other leaders of the electoral reform movement.Khoo said the traces of a Mahathir-style crackdown, such as harassment of civil society, are the result of the former Premier’s continued influence on the current administration.“Recently, Mahathir said in the media that liberalisation had to be curtailed and too much freedom would destabilise the government. He (Mahathir) is influential and Najib has to listen to him to keep things in balance. Mahathir does not need to go to the Prime Minister’s office to give instructions, he has people from his faction to speak for him and to pressure Najib.”During his 22-year reign, Mahathir gained notoriety for Operasi Lalang in October 1987, when 106 activists and politicians were detained under the ISA.During his tenure, too, immigrant rights activist Irene Fernandez was charged with ‘publishing false news’ after she revealed abuses at an immigrant detention centre. This led to a 13-year legal battle before she was finally acquitted.‘Political violence may worsen’
  While the upside to Najib’s “sprinkle” of reforms has seen the end of the ISA, making it moredifficult for a massive crackdown, Khoo said the new approach of using non-institutional methods would become more prominent.He said he expects political violence to worsen as the nation moves toward the next election. “I think it’s going to grow a lot more hostile as the police are not doing anything about it, and many of these thugs are low-ranking UMNO Youth members,” he claimed.Since early this year, harassment has been targeted at Pakatan ceramah sessions, some of which turned violent, such as those in Sembrong, Gambang, Merlimau and Lembah Pantai.While the days of detention without trial for political opponents may be over, Khoo said, these new strategies of harassment would still not reflect positively on the BN.“It actually doesn’t help. Human nature is such that no one will agree to intimidation or bullying tactics,” he said.On the cyber front, another non-institutional method is becoming moreprevalent with all three Pakatan Rakyat component party websites and a number of news portals, including Malaysiakini, which were hit with cyber attacks by anonymous sources early this month.Rafizi’s blog, which detailed the alleged Ampang LRT Line extension scandal, was also brought down by a separate wave of attacks. This, Wan Saiful said, may reflect badly on the Federal Government, even though the origin of these attacks could not be proven.“This is a new thing and it’s difficult to prove where it is coming from. But when only websites from the opposition are affected, people will have their suspicions and make their own conclusions. It may backfire,” he said.However, Wan Saiful said, a positive development by the BN is its baby steps in attempting to emulate the opposition strategy of exposing scandals, albeit with some hiccups.“The disclosure and exposure of scandals are better, and even better than policy debates,” he said.Similarly, Khoo said BN has begun to do its job in states where it is the Opposition. “It’s good because in these states they have a role to play. If their allegations are proven true then Pakatan must definitely do something about it.Pakatan (members) are no angels. The political culture (of corrupt practices) still exists,” he added.Although elections and political reforms are needed in the wake of the Arab Spring, premature elections could usher in a period of continued political instability punctuated by violence, or introduce new totalitarian regimes that would assume power under the pretext of maintaining order and stability. Of paramount importance is the formation of transitional governments proportionally representative of all segments of the populations for a minimum of five years. Such a government would be tasked with writing a new constitution and instituting gradual political reforms while promoting human rights and economic development programs. Otherwise, elections will fail to produce the desired outcome of a free and vibrant new political and social order.The Bersih electoral reform movement does not aim to topple the democratically-elected government but is focused solely on empowering voters, its chief Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan has said.Leaders from the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government, including Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, have repeatedly painted Bersih’s third and most recent rally last April 28 as an attempt to oust its democratically-elected government, a charge Ambiga has denied just as frequently.

  “What we want to see is a multi-party democracy where, every two or three years, the [leading] party will change,” the decorated lawyer and activist told British daily The Guardian in an interview published today.“We’re not averse to Barisan coming back but if parties think they’re going to lose power, they behave a lot better.“[This] is about power coming back to the people. It’s about us (the people) being in charge,” Ambiga was quoted adding.Bersih has been lobbying the Najib administration to enforce electoral reforms, including cleaning the voter roll of dubious entries, before the next national polls due in nine months.Putrajaya has pledged to undertake the reforms after last year’s massive July 9 rally garnered negative publicity for the Najib administration around the world, but the authorities have been accused of dragging their feet over their implementation, which the Election Commission (EC) said will take time.Ambiga also accused the BN coalition of a relentlessly “demonising” the electoral watchdog, with the latest incident seeing anti-Bersih flyers bearing the Information, Communication and Culture Ministry’s official logo being distributed around the Klang Valley.A social activist had alerted Bersih recently after finding one such flyer portraying supporters of the electoral reform movement as “pengacau” (rabble-rousers) despite two ongoing public inquiries into the chaotic April 28 rally in the capital city.
  Indeed, no Arab country is ready for comprehensive political reforms without first developing a democratic culture, creating the environment that encourages the formation of political parties and develops a clear political platform that is freely promoted to the public. Here, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Iraq and even Tunisia offer good examples of where internal socioeconomic and political conditions highlight the difficulties involved. To that end, the situation in these Arab states strongly suggests that unless the following seven impediments are fully addressed, the Arab Spring will turn out to be the cruelest winter, shattering all hopes promised by the uprisings.
1. The Rush for Parliamentary Elections
The rush to hold elections invariably favors the existing social and/or political groups that are the most organized, disciplined, and rooted in society. In Egypt and Tunisia, the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood (MB) dominated the political scene. In Libya, however, although there was a strong possibility that the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG) would win, the Islamic wave was broken and continued political instability will dominate the immature Libyan political landscape. Generally, the inability of secular and independent parties and those who share similar political orientations to coalesce around a single platform has boosted the performance of the Islamists, as the former had neither the time nor the means to organize politically and offer alternate political platforms to the Islamists.
2. Proliferation of Parties
Fragmented democratic systems that use proportional representation (PR), which translates votes to legislative power, typically see a notable proliferation of political parties that leads to the inevitable breakup of the electorate. As a consequence of the sweeping transformative effects of the Arab Spring, countries such as Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia have been pushed both from within and from outside to hold premature elections, regardless of the prevailing political environments that existed prior to the revolutions. As a result, dozens of political parties were abruptly formed (81 parties contested Tunisia's elections, more than 40 were active in Egypt's parliamentary elections, and Libya, having just participated in its first and most-recent elections, has an exorbitant 130). This mushrooming of political parties not only confuses the public but also prevents national consensus on any major foreign or domestic issues or programs.
3. Inability to Establish Political Cohesiveness
When haste dictates the scale and scope of political campaigns, it is simply not possible for detailed platforms to be developed in time to deal with the litany of social ills that affect most of, if not the entire, Middle East region. On top of the numerous political parties that are filling nascent political vacuums formed by the Arab Spring, thousands of independent candidates have thrown their hats in the electoral ring. The outbreak of independent candidates has deepened the level of political fragmentation and enhanced the bewildering nature of post-dictatorship Middle Eastern societies. The rush to elections, for example, has given Libyan candidates less than three weeks to formulate their political platforms, which makes them extremely difficult for the public to fully judge or comprehend. Consequently, candidates will hardly represent any sort of constituency in a manner that will fulfill the political aspirations of the young and the more secular parts of the electorate.
4. No Culture for Democracy and Reform
Regardless of the timing of elections, talk of democratic aspirations is wholly premature in societies that have never experienced a culture of democracy and reform. From their establishment in the wake of World War I and II in the early 20th century, all Arab states were led by authoritarian regimes that have inhibited democratic expression and stunted economic development for the majority of their populations. The stunning speed and scale of the Arab Spring has thrown a wrench into the old order but it should not follow that political reforms can or must be established at the same speed. Being that many of these countries have never had any experience with true democracy, holding immediate elections has already harmed the democratic process and set back the aspirations of those who wished to play a role in their country's political renewal.
5. Role of the Military
In countries that have an entrenched security apparatus (the "deep state" as it is known in Egypt), the results of elections will be meaningless unless efforts are made to subordinate to civilian authority several critical government agencies including the military, intelligence services, interior ministries and secret police. Regardless of election results, the military in countries such as Egypt (and perhaps soon in Syria) will retain crucial control over the new political system in order to prevent relinquishing their inordinate power. The paramount concern for military figures is maintaining final say on national security and major foreign policy issues and, in Egypt's case, to also safeguard its economic empire.
6. Continued Violent Resistance
Many of the various parties and actors that have emerged in the burgeoning Middle Eastern democracies continue to resort to militant resistance in the face of intransigence on the part of central authorities, military or otherwise. Tahrir Square continues to befilled with friends and foes alike of the MB, in addition to the ruling military authorities. In spite of the recent elections armed militias continue to run rampant in Libya, exercising control over many parts of the national territory. Syria is facing the opposite scenario, as the central authority continues to employ brutal means to retain power. Since the removal of Assad has become central to the emergence of a new political order, the carnage in Syria can be expected to spread even further as the regime fights for its life.
7. Lack of Consensus Around the Nature of Reform
In holding elections immediately after a social revolution, there seems to be no consensus about a new constitution and the democratic reforms that should be enacted. This has turned the electoral processes in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya into horse races of national councils, transitional authorities and military commanders. The various types of democratic rule that can be implemented should reject quick elections, as the diverse sectarian societies found in the Middle East need to be reconciled with elementary premises of political and human freedoms. Indeed, the tribal nature of Libya, for example, had engendered a debate between adopting federalism over decentralization, the latter clearly favoring tribal communities and a preferred option in Libya as a federalist system could exacerbate tense preexisting ethnic and tribal conflicts.Regardless of how well-handled these reforms are and however long they may take, political reforms, in and of themselves, are insufficient unless accompanied by sustainable economic development programs, which I will address in a subsequent blog post. The public does not just want freedom -- it wants food, jobs, health care, education and a promising future. Genuine democratic reforms will take decades to evolve. Sooner or later, no Arab state will escape meaningful political change. The rush to elections, however, does not support permanent change and makes a mockery of the democratic ideals that so many have died for.
THE POKER GAME BETWEEN MAHATHIR AND NAJIB HAS REACH CLIMAX BUT THEY CAN’T USE ANWAR AS THEIR JOKER CARD
Posted by suarakeadilanmalaysia on June 30, 2012 · Leave a Comment (Edit)





Sure doesn’t sound like a true leader…more like confuscation on the issues at hand. What seems to be the delay in calling for GE if the BN is supremely confident of winning as our PM likes to point out? He’s in fact denying our rights to choose our government by playing games with the date.the poker game  between Mahathir and Najib has reach climax but they can’t use Anwar as their joker card. ANALYSIS: If the old adage that one week in politics is a long time is anything to go by, then one election cycle may be seen as an eternity. As Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak races against time to restore BN to its former glory, eternity is a luxury he does not have. With less than … Read more

Mr prime minister – given the mandate given by the people to Abdullah Badawi as the Prime ministerbut Najibsaid “If we call for a snap elections, it means that we have shortened the period given to us by the people.The mandate that was entrusted to your party by the rakyat 4 years ago was for Pak Lah, not you
By right, you should have called for polls to seek your own legitimate mandate at least 100 days into your premiership just like your predecessors, Tun Mahathir and Pak Lah did back in their day
“So the question of ‘not confident’ does not arise. For us, what is important is to show our ability to continue to champion the people,” he told reporters after chairing the BN supreme council meeting at the Putra World Trade Centre here, last nightTo that equation, the sources say, are Mahathir’s own ambitions to see his third son Mukhriz, currently the deputy minister of international trade, as deputy prime minister. Muhyiddin also fits Mahathir’s political philosophy more than Najib does. He is an advocate of Ketuanan Melayu – ethnic Malay dominance of the economic and political landscape, in … Read more
MALAYSIANS muda lupa? Najis wanted earlier polls, then, HE said, too early.
Now Najis inadvertently go for later polls, now HE said September 1?
So, who is in charge, and who is in control?
Did I not tell you so, RPK?So the TRAITOR is deciding? The traitor who allowed the sale of MYkads and giving of free MYkads to baptize instant Malays? The traitor who allowed this so that UMNO can be in power?the Doctor who is a delusional sociopath was scooting of to Yemen.We need to be on the guard for the return of DR.Frankenstein,the creator of monsters-both political and economical.I think he foresees a thunderstorm in the horizon of his path through life. there is only one fundamental issue in GE13…to ensure the existence of a genuine 2 party system…other issues no matter how important or crucial are secondary…without a complete overhaul of the past 1 party system, Malaysia and Malaysians will be damned for another 50 years…Chinese community no longer cares if they are represented in the cabinet by the Boh-hood MCA led by a tainted President when their role is just to rubber-stamp all decisions made by their master UMNO.Chinese education is just one issue and why is there the need to curtail vernacular schools when parents have lost confidence in the Nat.Type Primary School.Again you are right when you mentioned that Penang CM,YB LGE is a marked man just because he is a chinese and not santioned by UMNO.At least YB LGE has proven to the corrupted UMNO/BN Govt. how a transparent PR party runs Penang,doing away with all the rental practice by UMNO during the time of BN rule when Party Gerakan Koh Tsu Koon was CM..The RM500/- under BR1M and the recent RM30 millions given to the taxi drivers are to buy their votes for the coming 13th GE.Use your head boy,take the money and vote for Pakatan Rakyat. Whether you are a frequent patron of Malaysian taxies or not, you are bound to experience the same thing. I’m not talking about not running on meter or overcharging, which I believe are the tricks of only a handful of irresponsible cab drivers. And every often, they have to resort to these because of livelihood. … Read more
. Here we go again. The central theme of my previous piece was how we as Malaysians willingly played Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s race game and lost.I don’t find either Najib’s mendacious assurances to the Chinese community that the systemic racism faced by them is a fringe ideology and not mainstream Umno dogma or the predictable banal backlash by a certain section of the Chinese community, particularly newsworthy
.
That’s not surprising since the Umno house always wins. We are still playing the same game only this time, we have changed the rules. Prime Minister Najib Razak and MCA chief Dr Chua Soi Lek obviously have not caught on to this fact.
ok so he wants the Pa Chik to vote for him. But what is he going to say if the Pak Chik turns around and asks him this. How do you differentiate me 70 years old today and my children from the newly baptized immigrant Malay? How do you share the 30% Malay hak? What difference is there between me who fought for MERDEKA and worked like a dog in the sawah compared to the instant Malay you made who does not understand the blood sweat and tears I put for my country. How is it that I see so many of them now involved in businesses and other deals that my generation is going to miss out. How can you differentiate this?
Ok..never mind. Where are the billions that were given to you from our OIL MONEY? Why am I still the same old Pak Chik and why should my children pay for their education? Can you give me an account? In another 15 years time you and I would have gone. My children now have to fight and compete with the new immigrant Malay you made instantly because of a MYKad and change of religion. So where does my generation stand. Will they be sidelined? Will the new immigrant Malay buy over my land because now he is a Malay too???Where will my wife go?? You are ok. Your son drives around in a bugati (bukan main) RM 40million and I hear that your other son has a private jet ..and you are loaded..How about my generation??
So you still want me to vote you because I must respect my leader..?? You mean just because you are a leader I must respect you and cannot ask questions?? No thanks …your nasi kandar and your sarong for a vote and the BRIM 500 you can take back…after all that is our money you are giving us…Just answer this; In 20 years time where do I stand as the original Malay compared to the illegal immigrant you baptized as the new Malay?
The mother of all incompetence has decided to take charge.Najib is the weakest of all the 6 PMs. At least Pak Lah was better. The country was on auto cruise during his time as he was sleeping most of the time. Now, even with Najib awake the auto cruise is not working. Pakatan has overtaken BN.far ahead..
The present UMNO BARU belongs to Mahathir as hid membership number is 1 followed by his wife second wife.The old UMNO was delcared illegal and deregistered by ROS due to money politics and illegal branches delegates voted in the UMNO Party elections. After 1989,it was Mahathir’s party.,so that it why he is calling the shots.t just shows that after 22 years of his iron fist rule, Mahathir has failed to groom a capable successor as PM.
- In hand picking the sleepy head and flip-flopper Pak Lah, Dr M was also the first to immediately disown Pak Lah. This is a chess game played by masters – those that would change the history of Malaysia. History will record the outcome.
- Dr M has just realized that his favorite pick Najib is even a bigger liability, with bigger baggage and a clueless leader who is leading UMNO and Malaysia to doom.Whether GE13 is delayed or called soon, many of us have decided… to vote BN out. Once we have come to a clear decision, it does not matter anymore when the polls are called. We can wait… and we shall vote… BN out! The voters now have 2 reasons to make a decisive change for the good of Malaysia. One is UMNO obviously. The other is the Tun himself. All the more reasons to look forward to GE13 and re-write a new chapter for history.
Dr M always had inferiority complex and avoided challenges to his PMship by misusing power to cheat and threaten his challengers. All potential, brilliant and capable UMNO leaders like Musa Hitam, Tengku Razaleigh and Anwar, were conveniently faulted and thrown out by Dr M to remove resistant and make way for his dynasty.
.  But the seasoned international journalist was in for an even more jaw-dropping conversation than she expected. All this while the evidences were safely hidden under Umi’s underwear? No matter how you spin we still regard you as “baruah” for the UMNO thieves and looters. does the RM3billion fell from the sky? Where does it …Read more
This insincere failed statesman is interfering in Najib’s administration just for one reason – to save his ill gotten wealth and to prop up his son Mukhriz into UMNO’s higher leadership. of course this ex-dictator who refuses to die is also a doctor and will like to pride himself to write a prescription to cure the UMNOputras ills!!
But I’m sure the rakyat will send him packing with his demon’s tail between his legs come GE13!!
May he rot in hell for eternity for the ills he has wrought on our nation!Too much power in the hands of one man, that’s the trouble and reason of the on-going guessing game. May be it is that woman who wears the pants who must consult the Oracles first, or what other projects yet to be awarded before commanding Najib to call the polls?
After calling so many closed door meetings with the UMNO Supreme Council, the BN whatever council, still nobody in these bodies has any clue when they should hit the roads and start soliciting votes, but simply told to be ready, ready. So we can assume that these super duper Councils consist of nothing but eunuchs.
And the old man Mahathir is getting older by the day, and losing his temper at Najib who is delaying the process of making his son Mukhriz the MB of Kedah, or so he hopes.
The longer Najib delays, Mahathir thinks PR builds more strength out of more scandals that are surfacing, and eventually all of them may end up singing their swan song at Sing Sing.
~ Li Xiang Lan, its life and death matter, for najis , he have enough billions stashed here and there , if win again , he can continue to loot till next GE by then the National coffer will be dry. But for mamak kutty , he have to face lots of charges , humiliation and exposure of his manipulation of loop sided highway , IPP contracts and abuse of EPF money to write off dead investments in billions. The curse of rakyat once all these are exposed, the stench would stretch all over the world. Another Idi Amin story in waiting…- Dr M’s ‘veiled’ warning to Najib? you better step down or have the same fate as Anwar Suaram’s application to the French courts is at a stage where the judges will pore through the evidence first – and this could take about two years – to be satisfied that there is a need for a … Read more

1 comment:

  1. If you're going to copy and paste someone's whole article (like your middle bit on the Arab Spring), you should really link back to the original article or at least put some sort of attribution. In case you can't find it, here's the link: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alon-benmeir/premature-elections-invit_b_1659183.html

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