Wednesday, September 28, 2016

The evidence of humour how can Najib be guilty as charged," as claimed Mahathir.

"The attempt to clear Najib is futile as it cannot change people's belief that he is guilty as charged," claimed Mahathir.

Already, Attorney General Gani Patail has been embroiled in numerous allegations offabrications and lies. Lawyer Manjit Singh Dhillon had previously accused Gani Patail of fabrication in Nallakaruppan’s firearm’s case. Dato’ Mat Zin, former KL Police OCCI, had also accused Gani Patail and Musa Hassan of fabricating evidence in Anwar’s black eye case.

The return of  former Premier Mahathir Mohamad
The evidence of humour
Jokes are the evidence and the argument in this trial; the voter is both lawyer and judge in the court of the people. But there is some good news for those on trial. The maximum sentence is just five years in wilderness. The next five years will pass as quickly as the last five.
Former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad claimed several "little Goebbels" have been tasked to mend Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak's image following the 1MDB scandal.

He was referring to the notorious Joseph Goebbels who served as propaganda minister in Nazi Germany.

"His task was to transform all the bad done by the Nazi regime to look like they were not only good but also noble.

"Unfortunately, apart from the Nazis, no one believed the picture Goebbels and his ministry were trying to paint. The world completely rejected his propaganda about Adolf Hitler and the Nazi regime.

"Since Najib was accused of misappropriating billions of ringgit in 1MDB funds, many little Goebbels were tasked to repair Najib's image, using various explanations and claims," he said in a blog posting today.

Mahathir pointed out that ultimately, not only did Goebbels end up killing himself but he also murdered his wife and children.

The former premier went on to single out ministers Salleh Said Keruak, Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor, Abdul Rahman Dahlan as well as Najib's press secretary Tengku Sarifuddin Tengku Ahmad.

He congratulated them “for successfully misleading Najib to think that their statements have been effective”.

Mahathir noted that there were many other efforts to clear Najib's name including the statement by Najib's former bodyguard Sirul Azhar Umar – who was convicted of murdering Mongolian national Altantuyaa Shaariibuu – claiming that the prime minister was not involved.

He added that some bloggers have also changed their allegiance despite denying that they were bought over, while the mainstream media tried to downplay public talks about Najib's alleged wrongdoings.

"The attempt to clear Najib is futile as it cannot change people's belief that he is guilty as charged," claimed Mahathir.

"Najib's propaganda has been ineffective. The large amount of money given to the little Goebbels can't change the public view of Najib as well as those opposed to him," he said.Najib has denied wrongdoing or taking public funds for personal gain.
Mahathir claimed the propaganda has only had the opposite effect as people become more convinced of the allegations against Najib.

The fulcrum of a tipping point in public life is that mortal enemy of a politician: humour. A joke might not destroy reputation quite as effectively as a corruption scandal, but it deflates credibility. Through his long career Mahathir has been wise enough never to get tempted by a wisecrack; wit is not his forte. He might therefore be a little bewildered by the artillery fire of jokes after his disastrous mismanagement It does not matter now when the next general election is held. We are in the last chapter of a drama that has gone on too long. The life of this Mahathir's political is over; dreaming of resurrection on a deathbed is a waste of time. For most of this term, policy was lost in a swamp. Now, decisions are made to serve as slogans.

Life’s most traumatic cemetery is surely the memory of pain, for it is buried but not dead. Neither amnesia nor vengeance is a solution, although the timid find solace in the first and the violent seek options in the second. Individuals, communities, nations have to find the spirit that can liberate them from the bonds of past anguish, to discover a future in a new perspective that is something far more than a distorted reflection of fear.
 They recognise the great dangers in single-tunnel truth, for it can so easily turn a script into a game of vindictive flames. But Milkha is not just another Friday release; its bleak landscape blossoms with many shades of subtlety woven into events and characterisation.
The box office is always tempted by simplicity. Good and evil must be caricatures. The formula is uncomplicated. Laugh in the beginning, cry in the middle, find relief at the end, go home happy. But this is  Anwar  about reality, not exaggerations. Nothing is overdrawn, nothing is underwritten his time to absorb reaction and respond by showcasing the practical merits of its decision. An announcement now is mercenary: to milk the environment for what votes it can bring, and postpone ensuing problems. The timing is determined not by advantage to the people but by thoughts of benefit to the party.
But politics is not a parlour game, even when the parlour is as charming as one in a spacious Delhi bungalow.can become as chronic as the first. What was intended as a win-win situation could become a lose-lose scenario.

A promise is only as good as the worth of its trust. Anwar was not enveloped by the odour of corruption, including within his own family. There are other reasons for scepticism. UMNIO  has been in power for three of the four decadesThe dark side of today’s political satire is the evil of corruption. There is a school within the ruling establishment selling the theory that corruption as an election issue has been deflected. This is delusion. The voter is not going to be finessed by the argument that all politicians are corrupt, and so theft of the present lot should be condoned. A jury can punish only the person in the dock, and the present government is on trial in the next electoral court.
The business of politicians is politics

In an innovative reversal, journalists are now beginning to lay down rules on how politicians should do their job. We are not talking corruption here, but the rather more vague “moral ambience” of decision-making. Both politicians and journalists once set standards for themselves; we now seem intent on setting standards for each other. Judgement is so much easier than introspection.
We shall see how this plays out, particularly with an election season underway. Tensions will peak as politicians seek to rise in the estimate of voters, and journalists try to puncture them. With so much at stake, it is almost inevitable that “facts” will sometimes be twisted for partisan ends, and that “truth” will be manipulated to defame opponents. This is going to be a particularly tough election, because power is neither gained nor surrendered easily.
Fortunately, the Supreme Court of both professions is the citizen. Wherever ego might lead a journalist, or an exaggerated sense of power take a politician, the true measure of worth is determined by the court of public opinion. There is no journalism without an audience. There is no political office without a voter. This is the balance that keeps our system sane.

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